HOFWYL PLANTATION 
By Victoria Reeves Gunn 
July 1, 1975 
 
Copyright 
 
State of Georgia Department of Natural Resources Office of Planning and Research Historic Preservation Section 
 
1976 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS . 
I. The Narrative Foreword................................................... 1 The Rice Coast........................................... 2 Laurens and Mcintosh...................................... 48 
The Brailsfords. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . 56 
The Troups . ............................................  . . . 63 The Dents . ......................... ; . .  . .  . .  .   . . 72 
II. The Illustrations III. The Bibliography IV. The Appendix 
 
 FORI!.'WORD 
In 1860, C~orgia and South Carolina had an international reputation for producing the finest rice in the world. A decade later the prod.uctio:t of rice had sharply declined and, within half a century, had died out almost entirely along the coastlines of those two states. Today few Georgians understand or even know of the important role played by rice i.n the settlement and growth of Georgia; few have heard that before "Cotton is King," and even after, rice was queen of the seacoast. 
The home of the Yamasee Indians, claimed for years by Spain, and granted first to two important figures of the Revolutionary era, Hofwyl Plantation had an extensive history before the lands were purchased by the family which owned it for the following 170 years. But it is this period of ownership by a riceplanting family which gives the plantation its importance to the State of Georgia. 
It is therefore essential to give some understanding of the nature of rice in order to determine why the coast of Georgia adapts itself so well to its cultivation. The lives of the rice planters were so thoroughly ruled by the vagaries of their crop that comprehension of their attitudes and life styles is enchanced by a .study of the cultivation of rice as well as the culture which grew up aroupd it. 
While the phenomenon of rice culture was of a regional nature, affecting large amounts of land ona number of coastal waterways, an-analysis may be made of specific sites. This can help illuminate the ways of life which characterized the rice plantations and provided cultural antecedents for the diffusion of plantation li'Ting based on other regions and on other products. In this, the State of Georgia is fortunate to have acquired Hofwyl Plantation. 
1 
 
 THE RICE COAST 
 
The LoW Country of Georgia and South Carolina in the 1600's was treach- 
 
erous land, consisting primarily of tidal swatnpland, choked with a jungle-like 
 
vegetation consisting of "enormous cypress, gum, ash, etc., matted together with 
 
huge grape vine, 
 
and cane 
 
from fifteen to twenty 
 
feet high. 
 
 
 
nl  
 
Thelandwas 
 
"subject to the flux and reflux of tides;"2 the "dark, alluvial soil so soft that 
 
one could scarcely walk any distance upon it   everywhere his progress was im- 
 
peded by dense undergrowth, and his clothes and flesh tom by briars  n3 
 
"Numbers of alligators were in the s~amps    turtles    ready at the slightest 
 
alarm to slide quickly back into the dark water. Snakes of many kinds, especially water moccasins, luxuriated where the sun found its way through the thick foliage." 4 
 
That men observed this wilderness and envisioned "many miles of serpentine embank- 
 
ment enclosing thousands of acres, checked into fields which bear in waving luxuriance crop~ of   translucent grain"S is testimony to the illlgenuity and am- 
 
bition with which the joint problems of agriculture and economics were approached 
 
in the seventeenth century. 
 
Yet, by the early nineteenth century, the rice country could be described 
 
as having '!an ease, a grace, a cordiality, hardly to be matched in any American society, equal to, in fact, the most civilized circles of old European countries,"6 
 
~aving less vulgar display and more int~insic elegance than any distinct class among us." 7 .The very nature of the rice empire had become the quintessence of 
 
the Old South; living up to the Southern Tradition in an age when the Southern 
 
Tradition did not yet exist. What is most remarkable, therefore, in consider- 
 
ing the development of "The Empire of Rice" is that it occured at all. 
 
2 
 
 3 I 
 
Although rice was first experimented with .in the colony of Virginia, 1 
 
it is South Carolina which can claim the credit for turning the grain into the 
 
significant crop it became and the dominant one of the coastal Low Country. 
 
The actual introduction of the first seed rice is so shrouded in picturesque legend that exact dates and circumstances cannot be accurately determined. 2 
 
As early as 1672, a bushel or barrel of rice was shipped from Charleston, but 
 
the onslaught of production which might have been expected to follow this initial endeavor was not forthcoming. 3 The English colonists were "unacquainted with the manner of cultivating rice"4 and, therefore, the history of its intrench- 
 
ment as the staple crop of the Low Country is one of painstaking experimentation 
 
and gradual technological improvement. 
 
From coincidental accounts of the intzoduction of a superior type of rice 
 
from Madagascar, it can be assumed that the industry received a boost in the 
 
form of a more adaptable variety sometime during the latter part of the seven- 
 
. 
 
c 
 
5 
 
teenth century. In 1691, a South Carolina law was passed to encourage the in- 
 
vention of rice threshing and cleaning machines which resulted in a series of more or less successful devices, 6 and, by 1700, Charleston was having difficulty obtaining enough ships to export the rice which was produced by the colony. 7 
 
With the intrenchment of the industry came a certain amount of expansion, within 
 
set geographical limits, and, in 1733, twenty barrels of dee were donated to Georgia by the General Assembly of South Carolina. 8 The results of the experi- 
 
mentation encouraged by this venture were successful and, in 1735, Georgia was 
 
granted permission to export rice "to any port south of Cape Finnisterre on the Brittany Coast, "9 shipping 266 barrels the following year.l0 
 
Although Georgia had proved that her climate was a favorable one for the 
 
production of rice, there were a number of factors which kept the colony from 
 
 4 
keeping pace with the production of her South Carolina neighbors. The development of rice as a commercial crop required a large, cheap labor force 11 and considerable amounts of land in order to be profitable; 12 neither of which were 
available south of the Savannah River. Georgia had been settled as a colony 
for debtors, responsible for providing a military barrier for South Carolina 
and for producing a select group of commodities for England; none of which was rice. 13 Consequently, a set of rules was under effect, designed to prevent the 
growth of the plantation system which would be essential for the growth of rice. 
The primary feature of this code provided for the restriction of individual land 
grants to fifty acres for debtorsl4 and prohibited slavery .15 
While these regulations were not iron clad, especially for those with 
enough money or ingenuity to get around them, they still were very unpopular 
with the ge11eral public.l6 Directly across the Savannah River, the Carolinians 
were prospering with the production of rice, an enterprise which "gave the best opportunity for industrial profit which America then afforded."17 In 1738, the 
colonists, 
finding that it required an immense expenditure of physical labor to clear the river swamp lands   . finding that the air of the swamps was loaded with poisonous qualities which generated disease, which, if not fatal, ended in debility and entire destruction of the constitution, finding that the cul~ tivation of the pine lands was not productive, and finding that after the severe labor, exposure and ill health of several years, they were unable to provide even a coarse common subsistence for themselves and families, addressed an earnest ap~ peal to the Trustees of the Colony of Georgia frequesting] . 'the want and use of negroes, with proper limitations; which, if granted, would induce great numbers of white people to come here, and also render us capable of subsisting by ourselves by raising provisions upon our lands tmtil we could make some produce from it for exportation, and in some measure to ba11mce our importation. '18 . 
The references to "disease" and "ill health" in the preceeding passage are 
significant. The low lying area of the South Carolina and Georgia coast, with 
its swamps, marshes and slow moving rivers was becoming a notorious center for 
 
 5 
disease; the most prevalent of which was malaria. Mentioned with regularity in the accounts of travels in the area, 19 the "summer" or "country" fever, as it was known, seemed to strike primarily at night and during a specific season, usually mid-April to November, during which time the rice planters abandoned their 
plantations for healthier locations, making periodic inspections, but without 20 
spending a night in the affected areas. Since the existence of the anopheles mosquito and its connec~ion with the disease was not discovered until late in the nineteenth century, the cause was generally attributed to a "bad air" or "miasma" rising from swamps or standing water. 21 '!he correlation between the 
disease and the summer months was early recognized, as well as its relation to rural areas. 
In the hot season the human body is relaxed by perpetual perspiration, and becomes feeble and sickly, especially during the dog-days, when the air is one while suffocating and sultry, and another moist and foggy. Exhausted of fluids, it is perhaps not all, or very improperly, supplied. Hence intermittent, nervous, putrid and bilious fevers, are commo22 in the country and prove fatal to many of its inhabitants. It was observed from the peginning, however, that while slaves were prey 
to certain endemic diseases not affecting the whites, they seemed less likely to to suffer from malaria. Recent medical research has shown that populations which are exposed to malarial climates, such as the West Coast of Africa, develop a genetic trait which produces a near-immunity to the disease. '!his heritable characteristic, however, produces a disadvantageous balance in the form of the so-called "sickle cell trait." Studies begun in the 1950's show that 
the Gullah Negroes of the South Carolina and Georgia coasts show a higher incidence of sickle cell trait than the majority of Black Americans, indicating that the slaves in the rice-growing areas "would have perpetuated this genetic characteristic as long as it served a function in a highly malarious region." 23 
A tradition arose in the Low Country, and spread throughout the South, 
that African slaves were essential to perform labor that Europeans could not 
 
 7 
more profit than he could obtain from his own labor35 and .since the production of rice relied .heavily on human labor and only incidentally on machines, 36 the addition of many pairs of hands was essential. "The planters had no sooner got the strength of Africa to assist them than they laboured with success, and the lands every year yielded greater and greater increase."37 If for no other reason than that the white colonists had not wanted to do the dirty work of preparing and cultivating rice lands themselves, the availability of African slaves gave new life to an industry that, tried briefly, had all but been abandoned. 
Conversely, the growth of the rice industry was a great incentive to the expansion of slavery and the development of the plantation system. "It was now [after the successful beginnings of the rice industry] that importations of Negro slaves were made with great avidity. And the proceeds of the crop,   were economified [sic] to increase the exertions of the ensuing year~"l" 38 In South Carolina the black population drew equal to and then surpassed the white population in roughly the twenty years when the rice industry was taking hold. 39 ~orgia experienced a similar population growth following the repeal of the slave restrictions. In 1753 the black population of Georgia was 1,066 as compared to 2,381 whites; increasing to 7,800 blacks and 9,900 whites in 
40 1766. When the first United States Census was taken in 1790, while Georgia white outnumbered blacks by 52,886 to 29,662 in total, blacks constituted 69.9 per cent of the total population of the rice coast. 41 
Since the purchase of slaves and the acquisition of large amounts of land required an enormous outl~ of capital, the lands along the coastline suited for 
42 rice cultivation soon fell into the hands of wealthy proprietors. A conte~ porary observer figured the initial expenses of "undertaking" a rice plantation in Georgia in the late eighteenth century to be just over ~2,476 on pre-cleared and banked land; ennumerating as essentials 200 acres of land, 40 "working hands," 
 
 8 
 
oxen, horses, carts, collars, "hoes, axes, spades and other plantation tools," 
 
and the construction of a barn and pounding machine. Clothing and medical care 
 
for the slaves, including a provision for losses due to slave deaths, taxes, quit rents and the overseer's wages were listed as annual expenses. 43 Since 
 
early returns on this initial investment would be small, probably less than 
44 
~700 the first year, depending on the fluctuating price of rice, the small 
 
planter could afford no real effort toward gaining a foothold in coastal Georgia after 1750. 45 
 
A large number of the wealthy emmigrants of the 1750's were Carolinians, 
 
mostly rice planters, "lured into Georgia by the prospect of easily obtaining the undeveloped rice lands." 46 The Georgia coast, accordingly, acquired a type 
 
of plantation system which was loosely based on the absentee system of the West 
 
. 
 
47 
 
Indies as it was channeled through the Carolinas.  Because of the "narrow 
 
hydrolic limi ts"48 of cultivation available to the rice planter, the coastal 
 
section of the two colonies developed into a well-defined geographical region, 
 
distinctive from the rest of the American mainland. Towns, Charleston and Sav- 
 
annah, primarily, supported on a smaller scale by Georgetown and Beaufort in 
 
South Carolina and Darien and Sunbury in Georgia, developed as centers of com- 
 
merce and, during the malarial summer months especially, social centers. Con- 
 
sequently, an interdependent type of city-state evolved which the coastal rice 
 
planters had little occasion to leave and the smaller farmers of the uplands had 
 
little occasion to enter. As a result, this rather isolated society grew more thoroughly dependent on the plantation system than other parts of the South. 49 
 
Developments in the technology of rice planting in the 1700's were direc- 
 
ted towards the change from the "inland swamp" method of cultivation to that of 
 
the "tidal flow" system. While the advantages to be gained from planting rice 
 
in "wet, deep, miry soil; such as is generally to be found in Cypress Swamps; 
 
 9 
 
or a black greasy Mould with a Clay foundation  " 50 were apparently recog- 
 
nized at an early date, it was not until around 1724 that a system of periodic 
 
irrigation began to be employed, and probably then only "for the parpose of 
 
supplying moisture to the plant rather than for the systematic destruction of weeds and insects, as later." 51 These inland cypress swamps, .cleared of vege- 
 
tation and equipped with an irrigation system which employed impounded rainwater or dammed-up springs as reservoirs, 52 had, however, certain disadvantages, being liable to flooding and extremely susceptible to droughts. 53 
 
Although the change to the tidal marshes was beginning to take place as 
 
. 
 
. 54 
 
early as 1758 in South Carolina and by 1771 in Georgia, it was not until after 
 
the Revolution that planters began developing tide swamp plantations on a large scale. 55 The fertile river land, located close enough to the ocean to be affected 
 
by the rise and fall of the tide and yet out of reach of salt water, had the ad- 
 
vantage of a readily available water supply. The natural system of irrigation 
 
to be found along the coastal rivers, flooding the land at high tide and drain- 
 
ing it again when the tide fell, could be harnessed and used to the advantage of the rice planter. 56 In addition, the land had a completely renewable soil, provided by deposits of fresh topsoil brought by the river from the uplands. 57 "The 
 
great shift, however, came during the last decade of the eighteenth century and 
 
the earlyyears of the nineteenth, induced partly by the grassy condition of inland swanp lands and partly by development of the very advantageous water culture. " 58 
 
Limited as it was to geographical areas which could be thus adapted, the rice coast had practically reached its full economic development by 1800. 59 
Rice prices remained consistantly high enough to make the continued production of the grain profitable, in spite of fluctuations; 60 although production remained 100re or less stationary after the beginning of the nineteenth century. 61 
In 1839, the beginning of the "Golden Years" of the Georgia rice coast, Georgia 
 
 10 
ranked second only to South Carolina in United States rice production62 and boasted 25,000 to 30,000 acres of tidal flow plantations. 63 
II 
The engineering operation which transformed the virgin tidal swamp into the hydraulic "machine" which was the rice plantation was an enormous undertaking. It is difficult in an age of technological achievement to appreciate the monumental effort required to clear the swamp mud of acres of hardwood and undergrowth, replacing it with an elaborate system of embankments, trenches, sluiceways and culverts using only hand labor. One contemporary observer determined that it took eight slaves one day to clear an acre of swamp, and this seems a somewhat optimistic appraisa1. 1 
The process by which "the tide is shut out, subjected to regulation and rendered tributary to the enlightened d,esigns of the Rice Planter, "2 began with a careful survey of the course which the main river embankment was to take. This area was cleared in a swath of approximately fifty yards in width, located from fifty to eighty feet from the water line of the river, 3 and at this point the main ditch or "face" ditch was dug, about eight feet wide and five feet deep. 4 The dirt was then used to construct the main river embankment, located about ten to twenty feet closer to the river. This dam rose at least two feet above the maximum high tide, usually about five feet, and was twelve feet wide at the base, tapering to three feet at the top. 5 
Just above the low tide level, floodgates known as "trunks" were embedded in the embankment at regular intervals, allowing water access from the river to the newly enclosed rice fields. These rectangular wooden culverts were the most important mechanisms of the rice field. About twenty to thirty feet in length, 6 they were equipped with a swinging door at either end, and weighted with stones 
 
 11 
at the bottom. In order to flood the field, the outer door was lifted, allowing the incoming tide to push open the inner.door, which would close again firmly at ebb tide, sealing the water in the field. To drain the field, the procedure was reversed, raising the inner door so that the outer door swung open with the pressure from within the field at low tide. 7 This relatively simple process, which was used th~oughout the growing season, could be easily adjusted and worked automatically, provided all of the drains, canals and dams were kept in good .order and no debris or water animals interfered with its operation. 8 The system of the raising doors had been developed in Georgia; the South Carolina method having called for the door to swing open, which necessitated waiting for a correspondingly favorable tide. 9 
Since, in its natural state, the tidal swamp was subjected to a continual ebb and flow, which up to this point had caused the limitation of working hours, 10 the swamp was drained as soon as the trunks could be installed. 11 Natural springs 
or creeks had to be carefully closed off and trunked to prohibit breakage in the dam. 12 The field was then divided into smaller fields or "squares" of eighteen to twenty acres each by a series of interconnected embankments and canals, extending from the main river levee and ditch. 13 It was essential that the individual fiel<is be laid out in the most efficif.ent pattern, making use of any natural barriers, 14 and, most importantly, that they be as uniformly level as possible to ensure the even flow and drainage which was required during the growing process}5 
The secondary canals, usually attached to river floodgates for maximum efficiency, had the twofold purpose of transporting water to and from the "back" or interior fields 16 and providing a highway for in-field transportation via "flats"--the shallow boats which were poled along the ditches carrying everything from seed to harvested rice, earth for mending breals in banks to lumber for 
17 trunk construction. These ditches were usually six to eight feet wide and 
 
 12 
five feet deep, 18 although they were often dug to as much as a fifteen foot depth if extensive transportation, to and from market, for example, was expected. In this case, trunks were often constructed in such a way as to allow boats through to the river.19 
Each "square" was divided into plots of one acre each by drains which opened off the interior ditch which surrounded each field, and further subdivided by "quarter drains," about fifteen to eighteen inches wide and three feet deep. 20 The water system, therefore, required a large portion of the arable land, and 
21 considerably reduced the acerage which could be devoted to actual planting area. One source estimates that in a 500 acre rice field were approximately sixty 
22 miles of dikes and attendant ditches alone. 
The reclamation of tide lands became an art on which the rice planter prided himself, and the agricultural journals and societies of the day became forwm; of debate, as each planter presented his "improved melhods" of ditchinr and embankment. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina, for example, wrote a series of letters to the state Agricultural Society recommending the adoption of his plans for a dike "superior in strength, tightness, durability, cheapness of construction and facility of repair;" and presenting his method of "puddling" 
23 or cementing banks; and a remedy for "salt spots" in marshes. 
As with embankment, each planter had his own ideas about rice planting, cultivation and harvesting. These varied from year to year and from plantation to plantation as the planter experimented with new methods and adapted to changes in the conditions of the fields and the weather. The year-long process was, however, similar on all plantations. Cyclical in nature, it began with preparation for spring planting immediately after the autumn harvest. At this time, the water system was cleaned and repaired and the fields readied for the next growing season. Embankments were checked for leaks, trunks repaired and the 
 
 13 
 
drains cleaned or "slushed."24 Loose grains of rice whi'ch had fallen during 
 
the harvest and were not consumed by birds were encouraged to sprout and then 
 
turned over with the stubble of the previous crop, as any which were allowed to 
 
mature in the next season would become "vohmteer rice," producing red kernels which devalued the crop. 25 Some planters chose to burn off the stubble before turning over the land, 26 although in most cases, especially if the growth was 
 
not fully dry or if it was extremely heavy, it was me.rely turned under. 
 
The land was usually broken up by hoeing, as plowing was race in South 
 
Carolina and eve.n more so in Georgia. 27 
 
28 Draft animals were expensive, and 
 
there was a scarcity of land to raise feed. 29 In addition, it was necessary to 
 
avoid cultivating to any depth as the surface of tidal swamps were underlaid 
 
. 
 
30 
 
by a sour muck, caused by lack of drainage, which was injurious to rice. 
 
Finally, subdivisions were too small 31 and frequently the land too soft to 
 
32 accomodate a plow and mule. Although with the rising value of slaves, es- 
 
pecially after 1850, animals were used with more frequency, 33 most of the work 
 
on the rice plantation continued to be done by hand. 
 
Occasionally a planter would choose to flood his fields for the winter, 34 
changing the water often in order to benefit from the accumulated sediment, 35 
but most only flowed their fields for a maximum of two to three weeks, being careful not to flow very deep so as not to pack down the soil. 36 Another sys- 
 
tem called for flooding a very shallow layer in extremely cold weather and allowing it to freeze so that the ground would be broken up. 37 Most planters, 
 
however, continued hand cultivation of the fields on some level throughout the 
 
winter, so that the land would be prepared for an early spring planting. 
 
The date for the beginning of planting was decided upon by a careful con- 
 
sideration of the full moon and the approximate arrival of the spring flood tides, which could be used to advantage in covering the freshly planted rice.38 
 
 14 
Planting generally took from four to five weeks 39 and was accomplished in several different plantings, usually two in the period from the tenth of March to the tenth of April and one during the period of the first to the tenth of June. 40 Rice planted from mid-April through May was subject to one of the most picturesque of pests, the May bird. Flocks of these birds, traveling north for the summer, could easily destroy fields of new rice in the few weeks they were in the area. The same birds would return around the middle of September, in a different plummage and known as rice birds, and would feast on the ripening rice. Rice planted in June was safe from both the May birds and the rice birds but did not produce as well as rice planted earlier. 41 
Although ''broadcast" sowing, or the haphazard scattering of seed, was experimented with, 42 it was not generally employed, as the rice seed, usually two to three bushels to the acre, 43 was carefully planted in trenches, spaced thirteen to fifteen inches apart, two inches deep and three to four inches wide. 44 This meticulous spacing aided later in determining the cultivated rice plant from the volunteer rice to be removed. 45 
Of the many methods and variations of rice planting experimented with, 46 two representative methods were generally used. The first, and oldest, usually called the "covered method," called for immediate inundation of the field as soon as the seed was covered. This first or "sprout" flow of a depth of twelve to eighteen inches47 protected the grain from birds and rodents and encouraged the rapid germination of the seed. 48 The rice would "pip" or sprout more quickly in warm weather, 49 although the usual length of time required was three to six days. 50 The water was immediately removed, as the rice seed would not take root until the field was completely dry,51 and the field remained dry until the plants emerged and developed ' a root system stationary enough for support, a point known as the "needle state."52 Until this time the grass and volunteer rice were removed by hand. 53 The second irrigation, which las ted about eight or ten days, 
 
 15 
 
was called the "point" flow, 54 and mainly served the purpose of killing the 
 
grass which had sprouted during the dry growth period.55 When the water was with- 
 
drawn, the plants were approximately six to eight inches high and weakened from 
 
the removal of the supporting water. A light hoeing was accomplished, followed 
 
by the "stretch" flow of about three weeks, during which time the water continually topped the plants by ten inches, encouraging rapid growth. 56 
 
The second method of rice planting, known as the "open" or "open trench" 
 
method, was probably developed in the 1820's by South Carolinians, who were 
 
. 
 
57 
 
facing the problems of soil depletion for the first time. This process involved 
 
the "claying" of the rice seed, or coating it with a mixture of soil and water, 
 
and eliminating the process of covering the seed. In this case, the initial flow 
 
reamined on the field for twenty-one days. The water was then drawn off and the 
 
field hoed over a fifteen day period, after which time a second, twenty-day flow 58 
was put on. This system had the advantage of saving the labor of covering the 
 
the seed and, in case of a sudden rush of water from the uplands called a "freshet" preventing the withdrawal of the sprout flow, the seed was less likely to rot. 59 
 
Yields also increased; grass, volunteer rice and May birds were discouraged; and 
 
the period from planting to harvest was reduced, allowing later plowing and planting and the cultivation of more acres by a smaller labor force. 60 In spite of these 
 
advantages, Georgia rice planters did not employ this method often, not having the problem of soil exhaustion. 61 
 
Following the three flowings of the covered system and the two required 
 
by the open method, the rice fields were drained and underwent a period of dry growth for thirty to forty days. 62 The final "lay-by" or ''harvest" flow which 
 
supported the heads of the rice as the ears were forming, lasted forty or fifty 
 
days, until the time for harvest. The water was kept "up to the bead," or the point where the ear was forming. 63 During this period the water was either changed 
 
 16 
often, at least every ten days, 64 or the trunks opened and closed daily in order to create a current in the standing water. 65 If necessary, some hand picking of 
66 
grass would take place during this long flow. Harvest began in late August or early September and lasted six to eight 
weeks. 67 1he rice was cut by hand using a sickle called a "rice hook," then left on the stubble to dry for at least a day. 68 The dried rice was tied in sheaves, brought to the mill house or yard and stacked for "curing. \'69 
Preparing the rice for market required several processes: threshing, to 
remove the rice from the plant; cleaning or ''winnowing," to separate the grain from the chaff; two separate processes called "grinding" and "pounding" to remove the two hulls which surrounded the kernel; and sort.ing of the resulting flour and large and small grains. There was no set season for the beginning of this process, although it was usually started soon after harvest in order to take advantage of potential high rice prices. 70 Rice we.s then sent to market in several different shipments throughout the winter. 71 
By the 1850's, most plantations had at least one building where rice was threshed, cleaned and stored, located near the river bank or a stream in order to facilitate loading and, if it was required, in order to harness tidal power or provide a source of steam for the running of machinery. 72 Until the 1850's and after in some areas, threshing was done by hand using flails and a large, raised floor built especially for that purpose. 73 The rice was then cleaned using a wind fan or the even more primitive and sometimes more effective winnowing house. These small buildings were perched on stilts and the rice dropped through a hole in the floor, allowing the wind to blow away the chaff. 74 The mid-nineteenth century, however, saw threshing devices perfected to the extent that they could be profitably employed. Although the cost was high, usually from $3,000 to $7,000,75 it paid off to use competitive machinery. A threshing 
 
 17 
mill could turn out from 600 to 1,200 bushels of rice per day; 76 200 bushels yielding one 600-pound barrel or "tierce" of clean rice. 77 Rice for seed, however, was always threshed by beating the sheaves against the rim of a barrel, as vigorous flailing tended to crack the shell. 78 
The earliest methods for processing rice had called for the grinding of the grain in wooden mills about two feet in diameter, blowing with a wind fan, followed by hand pounding with pestles in wooden mortars holding little more than one-half bushel and sifting through a sieve. 79 While a variety of machines were invented to shorten the process, the most successful did not come about until 1787, when Johnathan Lucas, Sr. of South Carolina built the first water mill. 80 His basic design, with certain improvements, many made by his son, the second Johnathan Lucas, remained the most important labor-saving device for rice culture, making Lucas, as some have said, the Eli Whitney of rice. 81 
Pounding machinery was, however, extremely expensive; the $10,000 to $18,000 investment making it prohibitive for all but the largest planters. 82 While these planters usually made their . mills available for rice grinding on toll for their neighbors, 83 there was a gradual transition to the shipping of rice to market before the milling process as "rough rice" or rice "in paddy."84 It was then ground by large commercial mills in Savannah or Charleston, under the ~upervision of the planter's factor. 
The factor was the planter's chief marketing agent. His responsibility, and that of his clerical and countinghouse personnel was "the shepherding of the planter's property through the routine of milling, weighing, grading, coopering, storage, insurance, 'starting,' [removing the rice from whole casks into smaller units] and loading."85 He served as banker and stockbroker for the planter, who drew drafts on his factor in the manner of present day 
 
 18 
checking accounts. 86 In the event that there was an especially close relationship between agent and client, the factor might also procure goods for the planter and attend to other, more personal matters. 87 Perhaps most importantly, however, the factor provided the credit which was essential to the rice planter in meeting operating expenses as well in purchasing "capital goods:" the large investment expenses of land, slaves and equipme.nt. 88 Since the planter drew heavily on his returns for investment purposes, he was usually in debt to his factor at any given time, with the possible exception of a bump.er harvest year. 89 
For all these services, the factor received the privilege of marketing the planter's crop.90 Through shrewd observation of the constantly fluctuating rice prices, the factor determined the most advantageous time for selling the crop, 91 now milled and labeled by an officially appointed rice inspector as "inferior," "strictly prime," or "choice," although rice in the rough kept longer, in the event that prices were low.92 The profits were deposited to the credit of the planter for his drawing account, less expenses and a personal commission, usually two per cent.93 Interest on cash amounted to eight or twelve per cent, and debts were often carried for years with the collateral being slaves and crop liens.94 
Most Georgia planters dealt with Charleston factors until the 1830's, the decade which marked Savannah's emergence as a major commercial center.95 By 1859, Savannah had eighty-two factorage firms, with whom most of Georgia's planters were doing their business.96 Occasionally a planter had more than one factor, especially if he owned more than one plantation, and, with the increase in volume of plantation produce and the increased specialization among merchants which resulted, the planter was often doing business with a group of commission houses, purchasing agents, insurance agencies, warehouses, docks and shipping facilities.97 
"The plantation became a great business enterprise organized upon a capital- 
 
 19 
 
98 
 
is tic basis, which resulted in a sort of agricultural industrialism." 
 
This 
 
business, based on credit and encompassing vast tracts of land and a technically 
 
specialized labor force, was a tenuous one, requiring close supervision and skill- 
 
ful management. 
 
III 
 
At the head of this extensive operation was the owner of the plantation. 
While a great deal has been written concerning the romantic aspects of the life 
of the planter aristocracy, the fact that the planter himself was required to be 
a fairly astute farmer and business manager has been largely overlooked. 
The tradition of the cultured old Southern gentleman sipping a mint julep, while sitting on the veranda of a magnificent plantation edifice    is largely incorrect. The limited number of plantation owners who could indulge in such living had previously put in long years in .building up a competent organization of overseers, managers, and co-operating relatives, who profited from the older man's extensive experience and knowledge .in the running of plantations .1 
The operation of a rice plantation required constant supervision. Changing weather conditions, the onset of disease or insects, 2 and broken embankments were 
among the many potential catastrophes which had to be dealt with in terms of split 
second decisions and subsequent orders. The planter had an enormous investment in 
his plantation, which in the 1850's, the peak of Georgia's rice production, consisted of an average of 400 acres and 110 to 130 slaves, 3 and many planters owned 
more than one plantation. With prime rice land valued at $40 an acre uncleared 
and at least twice that much if cleared, and slaves worth from $300 to $500, the 
planter had an investment of at least $100,000, including machinery and build- 
ings.4 In land and buildings alone, the coastal plantation was worth at least 
three times as much, on the average, as a plantation in any other section of 
Georgia, and worth more in terms of slaves, implements, machinery and livestock 
 
 20 
 
as well. 5 Therefore, with his capital in large investments and having little 6 
cash on hand, the planter ."realized that his livelihood was a direct extension 
 
of his vigilance. 
 
In addition, a great deal of general day to day supervision of plantation 
 
affairs was required: 
 
selection, acquisition, training and classification [of slaves], supervision through channels of authority and responsibility, planning of work schedules and the flow of production supplies and materials, discipline and discharge of misfits, and finally morale, hea,th, old age security, and general working and living conditions. 
 
All of -these duties were generally the responsibility of the planter himself, 
 
for, "the truth is on a plantation to attend to things properly it requires both 
 
Master 
 
& 
 
8 
Overseer." 
 
The position of overseer on the rice coast was, however, essential, although 
 
another expense which added to the cost of producing a rice crop. The demand 
 
for competent overseers in the south was greatest along the South Carolina and 
 
Georgia coasts where, research has shown, the wages were highest and the managerial 
9 
ability the greatest. Since the planter and his family were not in residence 
 
on the plantation during the summer months, the overseer had the responsibility for 
 
being the only white person on the plantation during that time. In addition, 
 
his responsibilities included the supervision of labor and the medical care and 
 
. 
 
10 
 
welfare of the slaves. It was a sensitive position, requiring careful balancing 
 
of authority and subservience. "If there bea favorable crop, the master 
 
makes a splendid crop; if any circumstances be unpropitious and an inferior crop is 
 
made, 
 
it 
 
is 
 
the 
 
overseer's 
 
fault 41 
 
11 
 " 
 
However, it was the slaves who performed the real labor of the rice planta- 
 
tion, and due to the large amount of hand work to be done, the ratio of slaves 12 
to land was high. The greatest concentration of slaves in the south was on 13 
the coast of Georgia and South Carolina; the slave population of coastal Georgia 
 
 21 
totaling 66.7 per cent as compared to 31 per cent white. 14 Successful use 
of this slave labor required obtaining the maximum work from the slave while 
protecting his health and welfare; the accomplishment of one achieved at the expense of the other, 15 
Work on the rice plantation was considerably more laborious than that on a cotton plantation. 16 A pre-revolutionary observer reported: 
The reader must observe upon this account that the cultivation of it (rice] is dreadful: for if a work could be imagined peculiarly unwholesome, and even fatal to health, it must be that of standing, like the negross (sic], ancle [sic], and even midleg deep in water, which floats an ouzy mud; and exposed all the while to a burning sun, which makes the vry air they breathe hotter than the human blood; these poor wretches are then in a furnace of stinking putrid effluvia: a more horrible employment can hardly be imagined 17 
An ex-slave recalled his own experience; 
Watering and weeding the rice is considered one of the most unhealthy occupations on a southern plantation, as the people are obliged to live for several weeks in the mud and water, subject to all the unwholseome vapors that arise from stagnant pools, under the rays of a summer sun, as well as the chilly autumnal dews of night   No 8t:ranger can \orork a week in a rice swamp at this season of the year, without becoming sick; and all the new hands   were taken fgl within the first five days after we had entered this field. "It was a short .life . and a-hard one."19 The slave mortality rate on the rice 
coast was high, for in spite of the slave's resistance to malaria, there were 
snakes in the rice swamps, and fevers, and diseases due to exposure. Yet, 
exactly how harsh the work on the rice plantation was cannot be determined 
with any accuracy, as, for every planter rationalization, there exists an equally adamant account written by a slave or abolitionist giving an opposing view. 20 
And, while certainly numbers of plantations were left entirely to the care of 
overseers whose job depended upon a large crop regardless of the cost to the 
slaves, perhaps an equal number were governed by masters with a concern for the 
welfare of his workers. Obviously the institution did exist and the planters 
 
 22 
 
regarded the loyalty and obedience of their slaves as  divinely given. "Our 
 
laborers aredescendants of the African bondsmen given to our ancestors by the 
 
mother country at the same time that Indigo, and Rice and Cotton were sent to 21 
them to cultivate." 
 
This statement is also significant in view of the recent discoveries that 
 
African slaves may have contributed more to the development of rice culture than 
 
just their labor. It has been widely overlooked that the natives of the West 
 
 Coast of Africa were in an agricultural stage of civilization at the time that the slave ships were plying their trade22 and that large numbers of Africans 
 
brought to the coast of Georgia and South Carolina were familiar with rice plant- 
 
ing. Salih Bilali, an African who was the driver at Hopeton Plantation on the 
 
Altamaha in the early nineteenth century recalled the cultivation of rice in 
 
Africa for the pen of his master, James Hamilton Couper: 
 
The great grain crop is rice. As a preparation for it, the soil is 
 
turned with a sharp pointed hoe. The seed is then sown broad cast, 
 
and is covered with the same hoe. The ground continued dry, until 
 
the rice is nearly two feet high; when the river rises, and inundates 
 
the country. The water continues up, until the rice is ripe; and it 
 
is harvested in canoes, and carried to 2~e high ground, to which the 
 
inhabitants retire during the freshets. 
 
. 
 
Especially in the early years of the rice industry in the American colonies, 
 
it was probably not infrequent for the African slave to know more about the cult- 
 
ivation of the crop than his European master and perhaps many of the tools and 
 
techniques which became standard on the rice fields of South Carolina and Georgia 
 
were of African origin. Among these are the rice fans, the flat baskets used for 
 
the winnowing of small amounts of rice, and the mortar and pestle method of removing rice from its husk. 24 A distinctly African planting technique, practiced 
 
on many rice plantations, involved using the . heel to.indent the soil for planting, 25 
covering the seed with the foot. 
 
The tribe to which the potential slave had belonged, in fact, became a 
 
 23 
 
matter of importance to the potential slave owner. The Angolan was said to be 
 
"of a gentle and affectionate nature and faithful to a trust. But, of rather low mentality, he was gullible and easily swayed by others."26 The Co ramantee 
 
was loyal, but "revengeful when ill treated," Gambi3Ils '"seasoned' readily in 
 
our latitude," but the Eboes were "despondent" and apt to commit suicide during the "middle passage."27 
 
But for all the analysis of tribal attributes, the majority of slaves be- 
 
came field hands, too numerous to train and mainly performing work of a repetitive, 28 
simplistic nature. founded in sheer routine. 
 
The slaves are all up by daylight; and every one who is able to 
 
work, from eight or nine years old and upwards, repair to their 
 
several departments of field-labour. They do not return to their 
 
houses either to breakfast or dinner; but have their food cooked 
 
for them continue 
 
in the field, by negroes appointed to that thus at work till dark, and then return to 
 
duty. their 
 
They dwell 
 
ings. 
 
29 
 
Duties were delegated by the "task," a system instituted on, and largely 
 
confined to, the rice coast, where the drainage system divided the fields into 
 
easily distributed units to be worked, usually a one-quarter acre square, 105 feet on each side. 30 Since the task was designed to be completed in eight to 
 
ten hours, the slaves were allowed free time following the completion of their assignments. 31 Each slave was designated as a quarter, half, three-quarters or 
 
full hand depending on health, age and ability, and his or her work modified accordingly. 32 Typical tasks consisted of ditchinc new land, 500 solid feet 
 
(for men only); digging stiff land and turning in the stubble (men and women), 
 
one-half acre for three hands, or if the stubble were already burnt, the same 
 
acreage for two hands; one-quarter to one-half acre of levelling land; and three quarters of an acre of trenching. 33 Sowing, done by the best hands, 34 re. quired 
 
completion of three half-acres; hoeing, depending on the condition of the fields, 
 
usually one-half acre; reaping, three-quarters of an acre and thrashing, 600 sheaves by men, 500 by women. 35 
 
 24 
A certain amount of non-divisible work was occasionally required in place of the usual task work. Gang work, "from sun to sun," consisted of such seasonal chores as burning stubble, loading schooners with rice for market, or emergency harvesting when weather conditions seemed ominous; and tidal work, the running of the mills, had to be performed to the dictates of the tides. 36 
Half-tasks were done on Saturdays on most plantations and "no work of any sort or kind is to be permitted to be done by negroes on Good Friday, or Christmas day, or on any Sunday    The two days following Christmas day; the first Saturdays after finishing threshing, planting, hoeing and harvest, are also to be holidays, on which the people may work for themselves." "Women with 
37 six children alive at any .2!!!_ time" were allowed Saturdays off. 
In addition to the field hands, who numbered an average of one to every seven acres of rice land,38 there were other, more specialized jobs on the plantation performed by slaves. The driver, the most important and powerful slave, performed the duties of assistant overseer during the day and keeper of discipline at night.39 Next in importance were the trunk minder, in. charge of regulating the flow of water during the growing season; the plantation carpenter and blacksmith; and the boat master or "patroon" and their respective staffs.40 If the plantation had milling facilities a mill engineer and cooper were essential personnel and most plantations had at least one nurse and a midwife. The domestic servants consisted of the staff of the plantation house: butlers, maids, waiters, footmen and a children's nurse; cooks for the family and for the field hands; and 
41 
several seamstresses and washerwomen. Those slaves too old or infirm for field work were given specialized duties and were assigned to watch the slave nursery or mind the livestock. Children were mainly given the job of "bird minder" and were stationed in the fields with the responsibility of chasing ar.-1ay as many of 
42 the rice birds and May birds as possible. 
 
 25 
The two-fold responsibility of caring for and disciplining this tremendous work force was primarily that of the overseer, tvorking under strict regulations from the planter. Most plantation rules seem to have followed the underlying principle that "the care and well being . of the negroes" was of first concern, although "for the well being.   of the negroes, it is absolutely necessary to 
maintain obedience, order, and discipline." 43 
No slave was allowed off the plantation without a ticket, or permitted to 
leave his task until it was inspected by the overseer or driver. 44 Within these 
restrictions the slave was allowed a certain amolDlt of freedom, although discipline on the rice plantation was stricter than on other plantations, due to the limited white supervision during the su11D1ler mouths. 45 "The best evidence of good management of slaves," it was felt, was "the keeping up of good discipline with little or no punishment." 46 Methods of punishment varied; most rules calling for whipping, although confinement, demotion, extra work and loss of privileges were also employed. 47 
The annual cost of maintaining a slave usually ran between twenty and 48 
thirty dollars. Food, distributed weekly, consisted primarily of vegetables and grains: sweet potatoes, turnips, peas, molasses, salt pork or bacon, and any rice or rice flour which was not to be marketed. A peck of com was usually 
49 part of the rations for a full hand; others received proportionately less. On most plantations, slaves were encouraged to utilize any free time after their tasks and on Saturdays to raise food to supplement their allotment. Those who 
50 did not work on the task system were then given larger rations in compensation. Fresh fish was probably easy to obtain on the rice coast, although fresh meat was less plentiful and might be given out at holidays. 51 
A sort of seasonal ritual was the semiannual distribution of clothing usually 
52 
performed b' the planter personally. Annual issue typically consisted of four pairs of trousers, two of wool and two of cotton, four cotton shirts and a cap for 
 
 26 
men and four dresses and a sunbonnet or kerchiefs for women. Slaves received one or two pairs of shoes per year and blankets every second or third year. 53 
Although a certain amount of ready made clothing was ordered through the factor, 54 
most clothing was made by plantation seamstresses or by the slaves themselves. 
One rice planter distributed the cloth with needles, thread and buttons attached, 
along with "two shirts, one cap, two pairs of woolen stockings, one and one half yards of lining and a greatcoat."55 
Minor illnesses were generally attended by the overseer, or the planter or 
his wife if they were in residence, and most plantations were equipped with a hospital for "lying-in"mothers and one for the sick. 56 Special care was given 
to pregnant women. They were to be 
attended by the midwife as long as is necessary, and by a woman put to nurse them for a fortnight. They will remain at the negro houses for 4 weeks, and then will work 2 weeks on the highland. In some cases, however, it is necessary to allow them to lie up longer. The health of many women has been entirely ruined by want of care in this particular. Women are sometimes in such a state as to render it unfit for them to work in water; the Overseer should take care of them at these times. The pregnant women are always to do some work up to the time of their confinement, if it is only walking into the field and staying there. If they are sick, they are to go to the hospital, and stay there until it is pretty certain their time is near.57 
The most common diseases were cholera, pneumonia, influenza, dysentery and diseases 
due  to dietary deficiencies, in addition to a high incidence of accidents and injuries. 58 Doctors were called in at need and were often contracted annually at a set fee per slave. 59 
Because of the large numbers of slaves on the rice plantation, the "quarters" 
were actually several settlements located about the plantation so as to be as near the fields as possible, and often in a secluded location.60 Frederick Lmv Olmstead described his visit to one of these settlements along the Savannah River.61 
After a dde of several miles through the woods, in the rear of the plantations we came to his largest negro-settlement. There was a street, or common, two hundred feet wide, on which the 
 
 21 
cabins of the negroes fronted. Each cabin was a framed building, the walls boarded and whitewashed on the outside, lathed and plastered within, the roof shingled; forty-two feet long, twentyone feet wide, divided into two family tenements, each twenty-one by twenty-one; each tenement divided into three rooms--one, the conm~n household apartment, twenty-one by ten; each of the others (bedrooms), ten by ten. There was a brick fire-place in the middle of the long side of each living room, the chimneys rising in one, in the middle of the roof. Besides these rooms, each tenement had a cock-loft, entered by steps from the household room. Each tenement is occupied, on an average, by five persons 
The dwellings were generally two one-family units, frequently made of tabby, with 
the floors raised and planked, to be out of reach of the malarial soil, and with whitewashed walls which were believed to inhibit the spread of the "summer fever." 62 
"The negroes have provided for them all the necessaries of life in sufficient 
abundance," was the claim of one rice planter. "They are well fed and clothed, 
well sheltered and cared for in sickness, . and during the infirm! ties and helplessness of old age  In short, the educated master, is the negro's best friend upon earth."63 
This paternalistic philosophy was widespread. Almost without exception, the planter 
would refer to his slaves as his "people,"64 caring for them with a sense of noblesse 
oblige which might match his economically-based concern for their well-being. In 
return for his "good treatment ; the master required obedience and laboriousness and had the threat of punishment on his side. 65 
Under  this frequently contradictory management, the slaves "created unique 
cultural forms which lightened the burden of opression, promoted group solidarity, 
provided ways for verbalizing agression, sustaining hope, building self esteem and often represented areas of life largely free from the control of the whites." 66 
Loosely synthesized from African and European elements, the distinctive culture of 
the slave was one which prevented total identification with the master, thus pro- 
viding a sense of group identifiction:, the most important aspect of t-:hich was that 
slaves "were not solely dependent on th.e white man's cultural frame of reference for their ideals and values." 67 
 
 28 
The acculturation of Africans into American life through the institution of slavery i.s perhaps best illustrated on the rice coast. The numerical do~&inance of the blacks, combined with the frequent and prolonged absence of the whites, favored a comparatively high degree of African retention.s, which was supplemented by the continued arrival of African slaves in the nearly half a c.entury after such traffic had been outlaWed nationally. 68 The seacoast of South Carolina and Georgia has rated highest in African retentions of various areas of 
the United States , 69 as, ~'in the process of acculturation, the slave made European 
forus serve African functions. 1170 The slave community was charactedzed by several interrelated cultural ele- 
menta. The religion of the slave, while based primarily -on the Christian beliefs of his owner, borrowed from such predominantly African tendencies as the belief in magic and nature worship. Belief in a supreme being presupposed the existence 
71 
of a higher authority than the master and, while the Christian religion promised a better world after death, the addition of superstition and voodoo-like practices could insure immunity in the present world. 72 Superstition also played a part in the &lave's folk tales, which de.alt with such predictable themes as "t..eakness overcoming strength. The relating of personal experiences in both story and oral history form provided a method of instruction for a people forbidden to read or 
73 write. 
Music and dance were a part of both religious and secular life. The wellknown spiritual was complemented by work songs and songs dealing with punishments, the stupidity of the patrollers, the heartlessness of traders and the character- 
74 
istics of owners.  Perhaps the most impressive work songs were those sung by 
75 
the boatmen. One woman rembered them vividly from her plantation childhood. "Sometimes we used to row down the Savannah River in a big, flat-bottomed boat, and the Negroes sang as they rowed us, and those working in the rice fields on 
 
 29 
 
the islands would join in the re;frain, till it echoed back anc~. forth across the still waters, like music on a harp." 76 Hhile there was little difference between 
77 the sacred and secular dances to the casual observer, the most significant 
 
religious dance was called the "shout," and is described by several observers 
 
including one woman who came to the coast of South Carolina in 1862 to teach those slaves freed in the capture of Port Royal: 78 
 
The negroes sing a kind of chorus, -three standing apart to lead and clap, -and then all the others go sluffling round in a circle, following one another with not much regularity, turning round occasionally and bending the knees, and stamping so that the whole floor swings. 1 never saw anything so savage. They call it a religious ceremony, but it seems more like a regular frolic to me   
 
The patois of the Geechee-Gullah dialects on the Georgia and South Carolina 
 
c.ast is perhaps the mast persistent of African retentions and is generally attributed to the lack of contact between the slave and his white master. 79 
 
"These Low Country.   negroes," complained one South Carolinian, ''have hardly learned to speak intelligibly " 80 "The negroes of the coast failed to 
 
acquire the English language in intelligible form." reported a twentieth century 
 
historian. "They clung to voodooism aad other things Afric~ and   they remained largely foreign in spirit and custom and the subject of mystery to their masters."81 
 
It was this dichotomy of cultures which allowed the slave to reject his master's 
 
view of his place in society and attempt to "hold onto the African cultural deter- 
 
mination of his status." 82 
 
83 Life was isolated, however, for white as well as black. 
 
On the rice coast, 
 
there were upwards of. twenty black familie.s to e.very. white. family, M and, in 1850, 
 
there were only 551 rice plantations in the United States, as compared to 74,031 
 
cotton plantations; 15,745 tobacco plantations; 8,327 hemp plantations and 2,681 sugar plantations. 85 As rice planters often owned more than one plantation, these 
 
figures indicate that the rice community was . a small one, though "one to be reckoned with." 86 
 
 30 
It was a privileged, articulate and somewhat insulated class, with a 
"keen sense of personal pride and honor powerfully nourished by the institution of slavery."87 Travelers found the rice planters and their families hospitable, "highly refined and intelligent."88 "Meeting people of their cultivation and 
delicacy in this remote and solitary abode was the source to us of equal surprise. and gr.ati f ication. .,89 A description of the rice planters who lived along 
the Pee Dee River in South Carolina seems to speak of rice planters all along the 
coast. 
I don't believe any community of men &women in the world live in higher refinement of abundance than the Pee Dee planters 
and their families  The best colleges & most enlightened female 
schools have polished their home virtues. They wear fashionable clothes, have the amusements of cultured people & use the hospitalities becoming to the best classes of human society. They ride and drive high bred horses, keep packs for the chase and tackle for the waters. They maintain a public library and no home is wanting in many books educative of mind and mo~s and taste. Every provision for the table that the stock yard, the poultry yard, the dairy, the vegetable garden, the orchard supply is found here. Floriculture is an art with the wives and daughters. That foundation of civilized customs, effective. and faithful domestic servants, is perfectly laid. The whole co~ munity is regular in religious services  At all seasons dinner parties, evening parties, in summer small mid day meetings to take fruit and wine around the broad maho~any table, or in winter afternoons to crack nuts and drink wine.9 Education, considered essential training for leadership,91 was limited to 
males, although there were "female academies" available for the daughters of the plantation. 92 A veritable chivalric code existed for the c:Onduc.t . of the man, the 
conventions of which "permitted a considerable liberality in personal morals, de- 
manded an attitude of reverence for women, and took for granted a devotion to that 
sum of principles which is called honor. To take some part in politics was almost a canon of his class."93 A byproduct of such mores, however, was the comparative 
stagnation of intellectual development on the part of .the rice ladies. And, although 
there were exceptions to this tendency, it was strong enough to elicit comment from 
a variety of observers throughout the antebellum era. Fanny Kemble, who said she 
 
 31 
would rather "die--a thousand times--than live the lives of these Georgia planters' wives and daughters," had nothing but pity for "the stupid sameness of their most vapid existence, which would deaden any amount of intelligence, obliterate any amount of instruction, and render torpid and stagnant any amount of natural energy and vivacity."94 Anrta Matilda King of St. Simons Island managed her husband's plantation during his numerous absertces, but mourned, "Poor me, I have no change, the same dull routine--ordering breakfast, dinner and supper, looking after the servaats, then darning socks and thinking."95 
The planters, having both a financial and intellectual interest in scientific agriculture, established both societies and publishing forums for the diffusion of such knowledge as their experience and education produced, as well as hunting and social clubs s .uch as the Hot and Hot Fish Club of All Saints Parish, South Carolina, which provided the planters with a context for "a commingling of 
96 aristocracy without the taint of snobbery." These societies formulated a consid- 
erable political machine which wielded wide influence in the affairs of government. 97 A significant aspect of the life of the rice society was the periodic and 
seasonal movements of the planter and his family. Unable to reside on the rice fields during the summer months, the planter chose from a variety of fashionable resorts: Cla~ksville, in the Georgia mountians, Newport and Saratoga, or the Virginia springs. 98 The very wealthy with trusted overseers could summer in Europe, but most planters chose to remain near their plantations during the growing season. Nearly every planter had a town house which was used during the February social season and could be opened during the summer months, and most had a home on the sea islands or in the pine lands a few hours' ' journey by horse or boat from the plantat:f,gp. 99 
The rice coast was both a distinctive geographical and social region and a model for emulation .by ' planters of the interior South. Cotton culture was, by 
 
 32 
 
comparison, a widespread, heterogenous, and isolated (from urban influences) 
 
phenomenon which required less capital and slave labor to turn a profit. Cot- 
 
ton's enviornmental adaptability resulted in the continual expansion of the ante- 
 
bellum frontier, and, as a result, a sort of solidification of frontier life- 
 
styles on a large scale. The rice coast was narrow, both spatially and socially. 
 
Where the cotton planter generally exhausted his land after several years and 
 
followed the path of profit westward, the rice planter was sustained by the steady 
 
100 
 
renewal of his swamplands through river transport of upland soils. 
 
The persis- 
 
tence of a fertile land base provided the rice planters with a comparatively 
 
stable and settled situation. And the productions of such stability could and 
 
did sustain cultural forms which reflected not just financial success but the 
 
refinement of such success over generations - the basis, along with its tidewater Virginia and lower Mississippi Valley parallels, 101 for the Old South of 
 
fiction, folklore and the popular imagination. As such, the rice coast was sus- 
 
tained by mixed blessings, as is evidenced by this 1778 account by a visitor to the area. 102 
 
He turned from our direct road into a muddy avenue, two miles in length, cut through the forest. At its termination, we found ourselves in an open space, occupied by a miniature palace, elegant in its exterior and embellished by the most refined taste, in the midst of a noble plantation and surrounded by a little village of negro huts. Everything in and about the house announced wealth and elegance. A highly ornamental flower-garden I saw blooming on the sixteenth of February, in all the glory and beauty of spring in New England. In wandering over the grounds we observed a large collection of negroes, seated upon rice straw making a miserable meal upon boiled rice and pure water. It is truly astonishing how the slave can sustain life with this wretched pittance, and even appear in good health and condition, compelled to labor from dawn to night, through the long summer days, under the scorching rays of the intense sun, with no shelter for his head, and in most instances, his black and oily skin exposed to its full beams; yet they seemed joyous and happy. In contemplating the wealth and splendor and magnificence of the Southern planter, I cannot divest my mind of the idea that they are all produced by the sweat and blood of the slave. 
 
 33 
IV 
The rice plantations of the Old South were inseperably linked to the institution of slavery and did not long survive its abolition. The Civil War and its attendant physical and financial destruction of coastal plantations was an enormous setback; however, although revival efforts persisted until the early decades of the present century, the demise of the rice districts was insured when labor became a marketable coiniOOdity. Hurricanes and economic competition from the Louisiana-Texas-Arkansas regions contributed to the decline, but emancipation was the prime factor; the watershed between Old and New South. 
 
 34 
 
FOOTNOTES 
~~Coast 
 
Introduction 
 
1 
 
. 
 
J. Motte Alston, ~Planter,.!!!$ Sportsman (Columbia: University of 
 
South Carolina Press, 1953), p. 51. 
 
2Alfred Huger, quoting Henry A. Middleton SnQ.th in "lhe Story of 'the Low Co\Ultry" 
in Augustin T. Smythe, et al, .!!!!, Carolina 1.2!, Country (New York: MacMillan, 
1931), P 103. 
 
3ntincan Clinch He~ard, Seed .!!:2m Madagascar (Chapel Hill: University of 
North Carolina Press, 1937), p. 18. 
 
4Ibid., p. 19. 
 
1fuger, .2 s_g_., quoting Robert Francis llithers Allston (?), p. 106. 
 
6 
FranCis Pendleton Gaines, ~ Southern Plantation; ! 
 
Study .!!!, .!h.! Develop- 
 
~~ Accuracy .!..! Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1925), p. 154. 
 
7 
Frederick 
 
Law 
 
Olmstead,! Journey .!!.lh. !. Seaboa:r:d 
 
Slave 
 
States, 
 
v.2 
 
(New 
 
York, 1856; reprint, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1904), p. 138. 
 
Section I 
 
1 Lewis 
 
c. 
 
Gray, 
 
History .!..Agriculture.!!!, the Southern 
 
United 
 
States !2, ~ 
 
(Washington: The Carnegie Institute, 1933), p. 277. 
 
2 . 
 
For discussions of the legends see: A.S. Salley, The Introduction of Rice Culture into South Carolina (Coluri>ia: lhe State Printini"'Co., 1919); Peter~ Wood, Black"MaJoritt (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), PP 35, 36; Gray,~ cit., 
 
PP 277-279. 
 
\rood, ~ .ill 1 PP 36, 58. 
4Ibid., p. 58; quoting Thomas Lamboll in Gentleman's Magazine, XXXVI (1766), PP 278, 279 ~ 
 
5 Gray, 
 
..!2. 
 
..!!.; 
 
Wood, 
 
~ 
 
!!., 
 
P 
 
57. 
 
6 . Gray, 
 
. 
~ 
 
.!!, 
 
. pp.  280-282; 
 
. Lelia 
 
. Sellers, 
 
Charles ton 
 
Buainess .2!!. h.! 
 
Eve 
 
.!.~American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1934), 
 
DD. 150. 151, 
 
7  Thomas J. Wertenbaker; The Old South: The Founding of American Civilization (New York: Scribners, 1942), p. 290. 
 
 35 
8Mary Granger, ed., Savannah River Plantations (Spartanburg, S.c. : The Reprint Co., 1972), p. ix. 
 
9"An Act for granting Liberty to carry Rice from His Majesty's Province of Carolina in America, directly to any Part of Europe Southward of Cape Finisterre, in Ships built in, and belonging to Great Britain, and navigated according to law; and to extend that Liberty to His Majesty's Province of Georgia in America." (London, 1735). 
 
10Allen D. Candler and Lucien Lamar Knight, eds., .!.!!.!, Colonial Records .2f .Eh!, State .2. Georgia (Atlanta, 1904-1916), v. 2, p. 177. (cited aftetwards as CRG.) 
 
11 Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 
1918), pp. 89, 258. (cited aftetwards as ANS.) 
 
12 Sellers, 
 
.2 
 
.ill, 
 
p. 
 
61. 
 
13 James E. Callaway, Early Settlement~ Georgia (Athens: University of 
Georgia Press, 1948), p. 30. 
 
14CRG., v.l, P . ~73. 
 
15CRG., v.3, p. 376. 16 . 
Phillips, ANS, p. 94; Granger,.2 cit., pp. x, xi. 
 
17Ulrich B. Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South (Boston: Little, 
Brown and Co., 1929), p. 49 .(ci't;d' aftetwards asTAL.) 
 
18Joseph Jones, Agricultural Resources of Georgia (Augusta, 1861), p. 6; the Salzburgers o~ Ebenezer wrote the T~ustees to the contrary: (CRG, v.23, part 
2, pp. 120-121) ''[we have] not the least reason now to make any Complaint about the hot season of the Countrey [sic), being not so very hoe, as idle & delicate people endeavour to persuade themselves & others, & for that unreasonable Reason 
would like it mighty well rather to imploy [sic] Negroes in their Work, than white Europian [sic] people  I take the Freedom to beseech the Honourable Trustees not to allow any Negro-man or Woman to be carried to & imploy'd [sic] at our Place or Neighbourhood, seeing that the Consequences of it would be very bad & the Ruin of poor Labourers. White people, if industrius [sic] & desirous to follow the Direction of God Gen:III.l9 are capable enough to plant here every sort of CountryGrain without hurting heir Health in the Summer season; of which is Witness my 
whole Congregation." 
 
19Two examples: John Silk Buckingham, The Slave States .of America (London, 
 
1842; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1968), pp.S9, 90; Alexander 
 
Mackay, The Western World (London, 1849; reprint, New York: Negro Universities 
 
Press, 1968), p. 180. 
 
. 
 
20 
 
Elizabeth W. Allston Pringle, Chronicles of Chicora Wood (Boston: Chris- 
 
topher Publishing House, 1940), pp. 67..;.72. 
 
- 
 
21 
 
. 
 
. 
 
Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilh;ation, 1790-1860 (New York: 
 
Harper and Row, 1961), p:-103; see-also: St. Julian Ravenel Childs, Malaria and 
 
Colonization in the Carolina Low Country (1526-1696) (Baltimore: The Johns Hop- 
 
kins Press, 1940); William Dosite Postell, The Health of Slaves on Southern Plan- 
 
tations (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University PresS: 1951).- 
 
 36 
 
22Alexander Hewatt, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Caroli~~ and Georgia (London, 1779; reprint, Spartanburg, S.C.: 
The Reprint Co., 1962), y\ II, p. 136. 
 
23Wood, .92.. cit., pp. 88, 89. 
 
24Hewatt,  cit., v. I, p. 120. 
 
2 ~enneth M. Stampp, ~Peculiar Institution (New York: P 7 1 quoting DeBow's Review. 
26phillips 1 LAL, P 57. 
 
Knopf, 1956), 
 
27CRG, v.l, PP 400 1 408-411. 28CRG, v.l, PP 530 531. 
 
29CRG, v.l, PP 531 1 532. 
 
30CRG, v.2 1 P 500. 
 
31Phillips, LAL, P 57. 
 
3 2cRG , v  7 , p  3  
 
33James c. Bonner, !:!.. History.! Georgia .AJriculture, ~-.!!!Q. (Athens: 
University of Georgia Press, 1964) 1 p. 8. 
34Stampp, .2 .!!., P 5. 
35:rbid. 
36Albert v. House, "Labor Management Problems on Georgia Rice Plantations, 
1840-1860" Agricultural History, XXVIII (1954), pp. 152, 153. 
 
37.Hewatt, .2 .ll_., v. II, p. 267. 
 
38John Drayton. !_ ~ .! South Carolina.!!.!! Respects ~Natural ..!E.2, Civil Concerns (Charleston, 1802), P 115. 
 
3Qvrood 1 .2 ..!!., p. 36, Phillips, ANS., p. 87. 40Granger, 12 ill. 
 
4 ~lph Betts Flanders 1 Plantation Slavery ..!!!, Georgia (Chapel Hill: Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1933), P 52. 
 
4 ~. L. Bogart 1 Economic His tory .2.f American Agriculture (New York: Long- 
mans, Green and Co., 1923) 1 p. 18. 
 
D 
 
i 
 
s 
 
t 
 
r 
 
i 
 
4\ ct 
 
oui 
.2.f 
 
s N 
 
DeVorsey, orth Ameri 
 
.J ca 
 
r 
 
. ( 
 
1 
C 
 
DeBrahm' olumbia: 
 
s 
 
Report Univers 
 
.2!!. 
ity 
 
the General Survey .!.!!, ~ Southern 
of South Carolina Press, 1971) 1 
 
p. 162; Flanders, .2 ..!!. pp. 42 1 43. 
 
49Ibid. 
 
45 Callaway, 
 
.2 
 
..!!.., 
 
p. 
 
48. 
 
 37 
 
46David R. Chesnutt, South Carolina's Expansion ~ Colonial Georgia, JllQ;~. PhD, University of Georgia, 1973, p. iv. 
 
47Ulrich B. Phillips, f:. History ! Transportation .!!!, ,lli Eastern Cotton 
Belt to 1860 (New York, 1908), p. 23; Ulrich B. Phillips, Plantation and Frontier 
DOCUments; 1645-1863 (Cleveland, 1905), p. 81. (cited afterwards as PAF.) 
 
48Douglas C. \-films, "The Development of Rice Culture in Eighteenth Century Georgia," Southeastern Geographer, XII, P 45. 
 
49 
Phillips, 
 
ANS, 
 
PP 
 
95-97. 
 
50Bartholemew R. Carroll, Historical Collections of South Carolina (New York, 1836), p. 201. 
 
51 
Gray, 
 
.2E. 
 
ill., 
 
p. 
 
279. 
 
52 
Phillips, 
 
ANS, 
 
p. 
 
88. 
 
53 
Sellers, 
 
.2E. 
 
.!!. , 
 
p. 
 
149. 
 
54 
Gray, 
 
12 
 
ill. 
 
55Sellers, .2E. .!!., p. 148. 
 
56Amory Austin, Rice: Its Cultivation, Production and Distribution in !!.!.United States ~ "F''reignCountries. with~ chapter .2!!. !h!;, !!.!:_SoilS 
.2f South Carolina, (Washington, 1893), p. 17. 
 
57Arthur H. Cole, "The American Rice Growing Industry: A Study of Com- 
parative Advantage," Quarterly Journal E.. Economics, XLI (1927), p. 601. 
 
58 
Sellers, 
 
.2E. 
 
!E. , 
 
p. 
 
149. 
 
59 
Callaway, 
 
.2E. 
 
ill, 
 
P 
 
50. 
 
60Gray,~ !! PP 723, 724. 
 
61.I...b...i..d.. ., PP 724-726 
 
62 
DeBow's 
 
Review, 
 
I 
 
(1845), 
 
p. 
 
333. 
 
63 
Albert V. House, "Labor Management Problems on Georgia' Rice- Plantations, 
1840-1860 t II ..2. ill. t p o 149. 
 
Section II 
 
1 DeVorsey, 
 
~ 
 
..!!. , 
 
p. 
 
94. 
 
2 R. F. H. Allston. "Essay on Sea Coast Crops, Read before the Agricultural 
Association of the Planting States on Occasion of the Annual Meeting Held at 
Columbia   December 3, 1853" (Charleston, 1854), p. 27. (cited afterwards as 
"Essay.") 
 
 38 
 
3Edmun. d Rufh.n, Report of the Commencement and Progress of the Agricultural Survey of South Carolina for 1843 (Columbia, 1843), p. 101. 
4 Ibid., p. 102. 
5 Phillips, LAL, p. 117; Ruffin,~ cit., pp. 101, 102. 
 
6Ruffin, ~ cit., p. 103; Sass, loc. cit. 
7 Albert Virgil House, ed., Planter Management and Capitalism in Ante- 
Bellum Georgia: The Journal of Hugh Fraser Grant, Ricegrower (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954), p. 27. (cited afterwards as PMC.); David Doar, Rice and Rice Planting in the South Carolina Low Country (Charleston: The Charleston Museum, 1936), p. 11. 
 
8Phillips, LAL, p. 117. 
 
9Ruffin, .2.. cit., p. 10 3 
 
10Huger, .2.. cit., quoting Henry A. Middleton Smith, p. 103. 
 
11 Doar, 
 
~ 
 
cit., 
 
p. 
 
9. 
 
12 
Ruffin, .2.. cit., p. 101. 
 
13 House, PMC, p. 26. 
 
14Ibid.; Herbert Ravenel Sass, "The Rice Coast: Its Story and Its Meaning" 
 
co., in Alice Ravenel Huger Smith, A Carolina Rice Plantation of the Fifties (New 
 
York: Williamw. Morrow and 
 
1936), 'P724. 
 
--- 
 
15Ruffin, .2.. cit., p. 103; Austin, ~ cit., p. 18. 
 
16Ruffin, loc. cit. 17 
House, PMC, pp. 26, 27; Sass, .2.. cit., p. 25. 
18 Allston, "Essay," p. 27. 
19 Ruff1..n, loc. cit. 20 
Allston, "Essay," p. 27. 
 
2 laouse, PMC, p. 27. 
 
22 
 
. 
 
Theodore D. Ravenel, "The Last Days of Rice Planting," in Doar, .2.. cit., 
 
p. 46. 
 
23 
 
. 
 
Agricultural Society of South Carolina. "Original Communications made to 
 
the Agricultural Society of South Carolina and Extracts from Select Authors on 
 
Agriculture, Published by Order of the Society" (Charleston, 1824), Letters from 
 
Thomas Pinckney. (cited afterwards as ''Letters.") 
 
 39 
 
24auffin, .2 ...!!_., p. 106. 
25Gray, .2 .!!, p. 729; Allston, . "Essay," p. 31; Paul Wallace Gates, .!ll!:. Fanner's Age: Agriculture  .!11--~ (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 
1960), P 119. 
29Herbert A. Kellar, ed., Solon Robinson, Pioneer~ Agriculturist. v.2 
~-.!.ll. (Vol. 23, Indiana Historical Collections.) (Indianapolis: Indiana 
Historical Bureau, 1936). p. 350; Heyward,~, ill, p. 28. 
27House, PMC, PP 2. 7, 28. 
28Ibid., p. 28. 
29Gray, ~ _ill., p. 727. 
30ueyward, ..21!. .!!, p. 30; Ruffin, ~ .ill, p. 105. 31Gray, 1.2. .ill 32Ruffin, ..2)2; _!!., p. 105; Kellar, .2 ill., p. 345. 33Gray, 1.2 ..ll 34"Letters, 11 pp. 23, 24; George c. Rogers, A History .2! Georgetown County, 
South Carolina, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970), p.332. 
35Sass, .2E. ill., p. 29. 
36 Austin, .2E. cit., p. 18. 
 
37.!ll. 
 
38 House, PMC, p. 28 
39 Ruffin, .2E. ..!!, 
40ueyward, .22. ill,., P 31 
41.!.!2!s! ' p. 32. 
4211 Letters, 11 pp. 23, 24. 
43 Gray, 1.2.. .ill ; Austin, 21?. ...!!., p. 19; Kellar, .2. .!!.., p. 366 44 Gray, 1.2. !.! 
 
45ll!. 
 
46 For a discussion of other methods see: Pl-lC,  pp. 31-34; "Letters. 11 
47 Aus tin, 12... .!!. 
 
Ruffin,~ !! p. 112ff; House 
 
 40 
48rrouse, PHC, P 28. 
49Heyward, .2. ..!!, p. 36. 50Austin , .!2.. ..!!. 51Heyward, 12. .ill 52Ruffin, .2. ..!!., P 107; Austin, 12 _ill.; DeBow's Review XII (1852), p. 296. 
5JoeBow's Review, XII (1852), p. 296. Letter from R.F.W. Allston. 5~ouse, PMC, P 32. 
55Gray, .2. .!!, p. 728; Heyward, .2. .!!, P 37. 
56nouse, PMC, p. 32. 57~., P 33. 58rbid., PP 33, 34. 
59Gray, loc ..!!; Ruffin, .2. ill., p. 108. 60Albert v. House, "Charles Manigault's Essay on the Open Planting of Rice," 
Agricultural History XVI (1942), p. 186. 
6luouse, PMC, P 34. 
6212!& PP 32, 34. 
6Jsass, .2. ill, p. 26. 
64Allston, "Essay," P 35. 
65Alfred Huger, "The Story of the LowCountry," Augustin T. Smythe 7 et al eta~, ~~e C~ro~;~~ ~Country (New York: MacMillan, 1931), p. 105. 
66cray, .2. ill , p. 729. 67rbid.; Heyward, .2. ill, p. 40. 6~ogers, .2. ill, p. 333. 
69Allston, "Essay," p. 36. 
70rimothy Ford, "The Diary of Timothy Ford, 1785-1786," South Carolina Historical~ Genealogical Magazine, XIII (1912), p. 183. 
71House, PMC, P 58. 
 
 41 
 
72Heyward, ~ .!!, p. 41; House, PMC, p. 62. 
 
73Frances Anne Kemble, Journal 2.!.! Residence .!!..! r.eorgian Plantation ..!.!:!. 
1838-39 (New York, 1863; reprint, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), pp. 109, 110; 
'iiO'US'e-;-PMC, P 60. 
 
74Doar, ..21!. ill , p. 14. 
75cray, ~ !!., p. 730; DeBow's Review, XII (1852), p. 297. 
R.F.W. Allston. 
 
Letter from 
 
76aeyward, 1 ill 77Kellar, .2. ill , p. 352. 
7\rouse, PMC, p. 61; Kellar, ..21!. ..!!., p. 366. 
79An American, [Dr. John Mitchell?], "American Husbandry," v. 1 (London, 1775), P 393. 
80"A Lucas Merorandum," South Carolina Historical Hagazine, LXIX (1968), p. 
193; for a description of other machinery invented see Sellers, EE. ..!!, pp. 150, 
151. 
 
81Doar, .2,. .!! , p. 19  
82 neBow's Review, XII (1852), p. 297. Lette.r from R.F.W. Allston. 
 
83Rogers, ..21!. ill , p. 335; Gates, ..21!. ill, P 119. 84Sass, .21!. ill, p. 22; Gray,~ ill, p. 730. 
 
8SHouse, LMC, P 71. 
 
86 J .H. Easterby, "The South Carolina Rice Factor as Revealed in the Papers of R.F.W. Allston," Journal.2. Southern History, VII (1941), p. 166; House, PMC, p. 44. 
87Easterby, .2 ill, p. 164. 
88House, PMC, P 41. 
89 Easterby, ~ ill, p. 167. 
90~ pp. 167, 171. 
91Rogers, .2.E. ill, p. 337. 
92se11ers, .2.E. ,m., p. 152; Easterby, .2.E. .ill pp. 168, 169. 
93Rogers, .2 .!!, pp. 337, 338. 
 
 42 
 
94Alfred H. Stone, "The Cotton Factorage System of the Southern States," 
American Historical Review, XX (1915), p. 561; Sellers,~ 1! p. 57. 
95House, LHC, pp. 45, 58; a description of Savannah's development as a commercial center, especially with regard to rice marketing may be found in House, LHC, pp. 70-79. 
96 
.!!!!!. p  71  
97Ibid., p. 70. 
98Sellers, . cit., p. 55 . 
 
Section III 
 
1House, LMC, P 50. 
2 
Discussions of the various pests and aiaeases affecting rice plants may 
be found in Austin, E. ill, p. 31; and Doar, & ll., pp. 26, 27. 
3Albert Virgil House, "Labor Management Problems on Georgia Rice Plantations, 1840-1860," Agricultural History, XXVIII (1954), p. 150. (cited afterwards as U1P.) 
 
4 Ibid. ; 
 
Bonner, 
 
~ 
 
...ll. , 
 
p. 
 
48 
 
5Roland 1'1. Harper, "Development of Agriculture in Lower Georgia from 18501880," Georgia Historical Quarterly, VI (1922), p. 111. 
 
6R.S. Cotterill, TI1e Old South . (Glendale, Calif.: 
 
P 269. 
 
-- 
 
7 House, U1P, p. 151. 
 
Arthur H. Clark Co., 1936), 
 
8Charles Manigault in Ulrich B. Phillips, Plantation and Frontier Documents; 
 
~-~(Cleveland, 1905), p. 147. 
 
- 
 
9w.K. Scarborough, .!.!:!!. Overseer; Plantation Management ~ l l i ,ill South (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1966), pp. 29, 56, 199. 
10 H.K. Scarborough, "Plantation Overseer Reevaluated," Agricultural History, 
XXXVIII (1964), pp. 13, 18. 
 
11J.C. Bonner, quoting an overseer in "The Plantation Overseer and Southern Nationalism," Agricultural History, XIX (1945), p. 2. 
 
12 
Gates,~ 
 
/il 
 
p. 
 
119. 
 
13Ibid. 
 
14Harper, .!.2. ,.!!. 
15 Ralph netts Flanders, "Planters Problems in Ante-Bellum Georgia." Georgia 
Historical Quarterly, XIV (1930), p.22; Ulrich B. Phillips, "The Origin and Growth of the Southern Black Belts," American Historical Review, XI (1906), pp. 804, 805. 
 
 43 
 
16Sidney Halter Hartin, ed., "A New Englander's Impressions of Georgia in 
 
1817-1818: Extracts from the Diary of Ebenezer Kellog," Journal of Southern 
 
History, XII (1946), P 262. 
 
- 
 
17An American, .2. ...!!, pp. 393, 394. 
 
18 Charles 
 
Ball, 
 
Fifty Years ,!.!!. Chains; 
 
.2!. illb!!.! .2f ~ American 
 
Slave 
 
(New York, 1858; reprint, Miami: The Mnemosyne Publishing Co., 1969), pp. 144, 242. 
 
19 Thomas 
 
L. 
 
Stokes,~ Savannah 
 
(New York: 
 
Rinehart and Co., 1951), p. 122. 
 
20 Two accounts which favor slavery are Hon. Amelia Murray, Letters from the 
United States, Canada and Cuba (New York, 1856) and R.Q. Mallard, Plantat~Lrf; Before Emancipation (Ri'Chmond, 1892). Two anti-slavery accounts are Rupert - 
Sargent Holland, ed~, Letters ~ Diary .2f Laura ..!:: Towne (Cambridge, 1912; reprint, 
New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969) and John Brown, Slave ~.!!!, Georgia 
(London, 1885; reprint, Savannah: The Beehive Press, 1972.) 
 
21 Allston, "Essay," p. 40. 
 
22Asa II. Gordon, Sketches .2f Negro .11!!. ~History.!!!, South Carolina 
(Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1929), p. 6. 
 
23rtlillip D. Curtin, ed., Africa Remembered (Madison: University of Hiscousin Press, 1967), p. 150. 
 
24 Hood, 
 
:E. 
 
.!..!:. , 
 
p. 
 
61. 
 
25Hilliam R. Bascom, "Acculturation Among the Gullah Negroes," American Anthropologist, XLIII (1941), p. 49. 
26 Dubose Heyward, "The Negro in the Low Country," in Augustin T. Smythe.t 
et al, .!!:!! Carolina~ Country (New York: HacMillan, 1931), p. 173. 
 
271l., pp. 174, 175. 
 
28ulrich B. Phillips, "The Slave Labor Problem in the Charleston District," 
Political Science Quarterly, XXII (1907), p. 418; Phillips, "The Origin and G~owth 
of the SouthetncBlack. Belts," .2. .!:!!., p. 804. 
 
29Bucl~ingham, .2. .ill pp. 132, 133. 
 
30 Stampp, 
 
:E. 
 
!!, 
 
P 
 
55; 
 
House, 
 
LNP, 
 
P 
 
153. 
 
31James Harold Eas terby, ed., The South Carolina Rice Plantation as Revealed 
~ill Papers .2f Robert!~ Al1ston-rGhicago: Univers~of Chicago Press, 1945), 
P 31. 
32 
Frederick Law 01r.J.Stead, ,!h! Cotton Kingdom (New York, 1861), p. 1919 
House, U1P, p. 152; Rogers, :E. .ill, p. 331. 
 
33Ruffin, .2. .!!, p. 118; other task assignments in DeBow's Review, XVIII 
(1855), pp. 350~352. 
 
 44 
 
34 Allston, "Essay," p. 32. 
 
35 Ruffin, 
 
.!.. 
 
..!! 
 
36 Smith, 
 
.2. 
 
.!.!:., 
 
p. 
 
70. 
 
37 Phillips, PAF, p. 117. 
 
38House, LMr, p. 150; Bonner,! History .2!. Georgia Agriculture  , .2. .!!. 
p. 48. 
 
39 Ketnble, 
 
.2 
 
.!!.., 
 
p. 
 
80. 
 
40Phillips, 1::. His tory .2!. Transportation  , .2. .!!., p. 26; Doar, .2E. cit. , 
p. 30. 
 
41 House, 
 
U1P, 
 
p. 
 
152; 
 
Doar, .2 ill, 
 
pp. 
 
31, 
 
33; 
 
Kemble, .2E. ..!!, 
 
pp. 
 
63, 
 
168. 
 
42 House, LMP, PP 152, 154. 
 
43Phillips, PAF, p. 116. 
 
44.!.E.!.5!; Smith , .2E.. ill , p  77  
 
45 House, LMC, PP 52, 53. 
46 Southern Agriculturist, VII (1834), p. 368. 
 
47Phillips, PAF, p. 118; John W. Blassingame,~ Slave Community: Plantat~. on 
 
Life 1a~ Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 166; 
 
see also H.M. Henry, Police Control of the Slave in South Carolina (PhD, Vanderbilt 
 
University, 1914). 
 
-- 
 
- 
 
48 House, LMC, p. 53. 
 
491.!2.!2. , p. 47; Kellar, .2E. ill , p. 367. 
 
,p. 50House, LMC, loc. cit.; William Dosite Postell, The Health of Slaves on 
 
Southern Plantations{BatooRouge: Louisiana State University Pre;, 1951) 
 
32; 
 
Kellar, 1:.2. ill 
 
51Kellar, loc. cit.; House, LMC, loc. ,cit.; see also Hason Crum, Gullah (Durham: Duke U~ersity Press, 1940; repri'ilt," New York: Negro Universities 
Press, 1968), pp. 248-250 and Olmstead, .!!:!!.. Cotton KingdQm, .2E. .!!_., p. 192. 
 
sss:- - - - - 52Eugene A. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New 
York: Pantheon, 1974), P 
 
53Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross; the Ec- 
onomics .2.f American Negro Slavery (Boston: Little, Br;-an:d Co':", 1974) ,p. TI6. 
 
54 House, 
 
UfC, 
 
p. 
 
49; 
 
Postell, .2E. 
 
cit., 
 
p. 
 
40; 
 
Duncan 
 
Clinch Heyward, .2E. ill, 
 
p. 181; Georgia Bryan Conrad, "Reminiscences of a Southern loloman," printed in 
 
~ Southern Workman, 1901; published in pamphlet form by the Hampton Institute 
 
Press, Hampton, Virginia, n.d. 
 
 45 
 
55smith, .2 !!, P 73. 
 
56 Postell, 
 
.2. 
 
ill, 
 
P 
 
56. 
 
57Phillips, PAF, P 119. 
 
58 Postell, 
 
.21! 
 
ill 
 
pp. 
 
84, 
 
88, 
 
89. 
 
59House, LMP, p. 154; House, U1C, p. 49; Crum, .2. ill, p. 253; Postell, E.E.. ..sll.. ' p  72  
 
60 Genovese, .2 ill, P 528. 
 
61Olmstead,~ Cotton Kingdom, .2. !!., pp., 184, 185. 
 
62Foge1, cit., p. 115; Bonner,~ History of Georgia Agriculture  ,~ 
 
cit_. ' p  199  
63 Allston, "Essay," pp. 40, 41. 
 
64 Sass, 
 
.21! 
 
..!!., 
 
p. 
 
39 
 
65 
Blassingame, .2. 
 
..!!., 
 
pp. 
 
144, 
 
148; 
 
for 
 
a 
 
complete 
 
discussion 
 
of 
 
pater- 
 
nalism in American slavery, see Genovese, .2.1?.!. ..!!. 
 
66 Blassingame, 
 
!.e. 
 
.ll_., 
 
P 
 
41. 
 
67~., PP 39, 45, 76. 
68 Importation of slaves was forbidden after January 1, 1808 by an act of 
Congress March 3, 1807, Barnett Hollander, Slavery.!!!, America: .!!,! Legal History 
(New York: Barnes and Noble, 1964); but continued on a clandestine baSis until the Civil War. It seems likely that large numbers of these contraband slaves remained on the coast. Lorenzo Turner, Africanisms ~~Gullah Dialect (Chicago, 1943)' pp. 1, 2, 5. 
 
69Paul Oliver citing Melville Herskovitz' "Scale of Intensity of New World AfricanisTP.s" in "Problem, Method and Theory in Afroarnerican Studies," in Afroamerica, I (1945), pp. 5-24, in Savannah Syncopators (New York: Stein and Day, 1970), p. 16. 
 
70 Blassingame, 
 
..21!. 
 
..!!.., 
 
p. 
 
17. 
 
71 Ibid., p. 42~ 
 
72 Robert 
 
E. 
 
Park, 
 
"The 
 
Conflict 
 
and 
 
Fusion 
 
of 
 
Cultures," 
 
Journal .!. Negro 
 
History, IV (1919), p. 128. 
 
73Blassingame, .2 !!., pp. 24-26, 57, 58. 
 
74.!!?.! ' p. 50. 
75 ~., p. 53; one of the earliest writers to appreciate the power of the 
hybrid Afroamerican musical forms was Fanny Kemble, ..12 cit., pp. 162-164, 195, 259-261. 
 
 46 
 
76Sarah E. Torian, ed., "Ante Bellum and War Memoirs of Mrs. Telfair Hodgson," 
Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXVII (1943), p. 351. 
 
77 Blassingame, 
 
.2. 
 
.!!., 
 
p. 
 
17 
 
2f 78Rupert Sargent Holland, ed., Letters~ Diary 
 
Laura~ Towne (Cambridge, 
 
1912; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), p. 20. 
 
79 The definitive work on African retentions in linguistics is still Lorenzo 
Turner's Africanisms .!!!, !h.! Gullah Dialect, .2. ill Turner has traced several 
thousaad words of west African origin in the speech of the coastal Blacks. 
 
80 John H. DuBose, "Recollections of the Plantation," Alabama Historical 
Quarterly, I (1930), p.66. 
81 Ulrich B. Phillips, "The Slave Labor Problem in the Charleston District," 
Political Science Quarterly, XXII (1907), p. 422. 
 
82 Blassingame, 
 
.2 
 
.!!., 
 
pp. 
 
24, 
 
25. 
 
83 Phillips, ANS, p. 97. 
 
84Phillips, "The Slave Labor Problem ," .2 ..!!, p. 418. 
 
85 Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization; 1790-1860 (New York: 
 
Harper and Row, 1961) , P.99. 
 
- 
 
-- 
 
86 Phillips, ANS, p. 97. 
87 Clement Eaton, "Class Differences in the Old South," Virginia Quarterly 
Review, XXXIII (1957), p. 361. 
 
88 Elkanah \Iatson, Men and Times of the Revolution (New York, 1856), p. 54; 
 
other travelers who wereTavorably imp?es"Sed with their visits with the rice 
 
planters were Basil Hall, Travels in North America in the Years 1827 and 1828 
 
(Edinburgh, 1830) and Frederick Law-Olmstead, f:. Journey .!!!, _lli seab(;'a-;r-sr;Ve" 
 
States, .2 ill 
 
  
 
89Watson, 1.2.. ..!! 
 
90 DuBose, 
 
12 
 
.ill 
 
91 P.S. Cotterill, The Old South (Glendake, Calif.: 
 
1936). p. 281. 
 
-- 
 
Arthur H. Clark Co., 
 
92 Chalmers 
 
Gaston 
 
Davidson, .!.!!!, ~ Foray 
 
(Columbia: 
 
Carolina Press, 1971), p. 47. 
 
93 Cotterill, 
 
.2 
 
ill, 
 
p. 
 
270. 
 
University of South 
 
94 Kemble, 
 
.2. 
 
..!!, 
 
p. 
 
192. 
 
95 Sudie Dnncan Sides, "Southern Women and Slavery," History Today, XX (1970), 
P 55. 
 
 47 
96Richard B. Harwell, "The Hot and Hot Fish Club of All Saints Parish," ~Carolina Historical~ Genealogical Magazine, XLVIII (1947), p. 40. 
 
97Patrick H. Mell, "Rice Planting in the Agricultural Development of the 
South," v. 5, ~ South in ~ Building .2f ~ Nation (Richmond, Va. : Southern 
Historical Publishing Society, 1909), p. 173. 
 
98 Rogers, 
 
.2E. 
 
.!!, 
 
P 
 
312. 
 
99 
 
Ibid., pp. 313, 318; Elizabeth H. Allston Pringle, Chronicles of Chicora 
 
~ (Bo~: Christopher Publishing House, 1940), pp. 67-72. 
 
-- 
 
100House, UfC, p. 3; Alston, .2 ..!!., p. xii. 
 
101 Gaines, 
 
.2. 
 
....!!. , 
 
p. 
 
144. 
 
102 Hatson, 
 
12 
 
.ill 
 
 LAUREij'S . AND MciNTOSH 
Bordering the estuaries of the rivers which penetrate Georgia's Coastal Plain are the marshes which were once the rice fields of a great plantation system. It was a society which lived on the brink of financial ruin, constantly indebted to the factorage system and functionally dependent on such variables as economic fluctuations and the vagaries of nature. Yet, in its upper echelons, it was a graceful and distinguished culture, central in the economy of early Georgia and dominant in the political and social custous of the young state. 
In particular, the Altamaha River estuary society reads like a history of important names of the era: Butler, King, Couper, Bryant, Grant, Brailsford, Troup and Dent. The plantations along the south bank of the Altamaha - Hopeton, Altama, Elizafield, Grantly, Evelyn, Broadfield, Hofwyl and New Hope - made up a society which, like its proud sisters along ,the Savannah River and its cousins in South Carolina, held tightly to its manners and traditions through periods of social upheaval and personal tragedy. This tenacity is exemplified by the continuity of the plantation system of Hofwyl-Broadfield. 
The Hofwyl Plantation of today is the result of the accumulation of several parcels of land by William Brailsford and his son-in-law, James McGilvray Troup, in the early nineteenth century. Prior to this however, the land had known a long and varied history. 
Claimed by Spain since the early explorations, the territory of Guale, as the land between the Savannah and St. Mary's Rivers was known, was populated primarily by the Yamasee Indians and administered by a system of Spanish garrisons and missions. 1 The Spanish hold on Guale was steadily eroded after the founding of Charleston in 1670 as, throughout most of the following century English settle- 
48 
 
 49 
ments extended southward along the coast. 2 In 1721, Carolinians, prompted by the Yamasee War of 1715 and feeling the need of a buffer outpost, founded Fort King George at the mouth of the Altamaha. This blatant display of military force was followed in rapid succession by the settlement of the colony of Georgia at Savannah in 1733, and the towns of Darien on the Altamaha and Frederica on St. Simons Island. 3 A storm of Spanish protests was the result and, in diplomatic gestures, England encouraged the idea of a neutral zone south of the Altamaha, supporting this by refusing to grant any of that land. 4 This concession was largely unsuccessful. With the Great War for Empire, Spain entered what was to be the last of a series of conflicts over the "Debateable Lands," and, in 1763, 
5 lost all claim to the lands east of the Mississippi to England. 
Immediately after the ratification of the 1763 Peace of Paris, Governor Thomas Boone of South Carolina announced his intentions to begin granting lands south of the Altamaha, basing .his claims to the land on the proprietary charters of the colony which had marked Carolina's southern boundary at the twenty-ninth parallel. 6 Georgia Governor James Wright and the Council immediately went into action, first serving Governor Boone with a protest and caveat, which was refused, and then launching an appeal to the Board of Trade. Governor Wright's letters to the Board protested that the Crown alone had the right to set the limits of Carolina, that the grants were of a speculative nature and would limit the expansion of the frontier, and that annexation of the lands south of the Altamaha to Georgia would be more favorable for trade. He concluded with the most convincing argument of all: that it was the Georgians and not the Carolinians, who had suffered the hardships of serving as the Spanish buffer and should benefit therefore. 7 
It was not until October 7, 1763 that a royal proclamation was issued annexing to the colony of Georgia "all the Lands between the Rivers St. Mary and 
 
 50 
8 Altamaha," and by this time fifty-six petitions for land totalling 90,200 acres 
9 had been granted by South Carolina. The controversy lingered on for over a decade, the p~tential rice lands remaining idle until after the Revolution. Finally, of the South Carolinians who petitioned for grants, only four made any real effort to develop their Georgia lands. 10 
One of these Carolinians was Henry Laurens, a prominent Charlestonian who was to succeed John Hancock as president of the Continental Congress in 1777. 11 Previously a wealthy merchant, primarily in the business of exporting rice and i~ porting slaves, he began acquiring large tracts of land and shifting his interests to planting in the 1760's, owning by the outbreak of the Revolution some 20,000 acres in Georgia and South Carolina. 12 Blessed with the foresight, as well as the resources, to acquire portions of the limited rice lands early, Laurens also sought to obtain tracts of land in the newly opened territory for several of his friends, notably Lachlan Mcintosh of Georgia. 13 
Mcintosh, a Revolutionary war general probably best known for his infamous duel with Button Gwinett, met Henry Laurens in Charleston as a young man. While the tradition that he worked in the Laurens counting house cannot be doc~mented, it 
14 is certain that the two men became good friends, as well as b.us.i.ness partners. When Mcintosh returned to Georgia in the 1750's, he had the advantage of access to South Carolina credit and the good advice of his friend and began petitioning for 
15 and acquiring large tracts of land. In this way Mcintosh, though not a shrewd businessman himself, was able to establish himself as a member of the planter 
16 aristocracy. 
There is little documentation to show the actual buying, selling, trading and political pulling which must have taken place in the second half of the eighteenth century as each planter maneuvered to obtain particular sections of land. The three tracts which became Broadfield-Hofwyl: Broughton Island, Broadface and New 
 
 51 
 
Hope are no exception. 
 
Broughton Island, located in the Altamaha River and therefore not subject to 
 
the English restrictions on grants, had, on July 4, 1758, been granted to John- 
 
athan Bryan, a South Carolinian who was to become an important figure in the affairs of coastal Georgia, especially the Savannah area. 17 Two days later, 
 
Bryan traded Broughton, along with Doboy Island, to Lachlan Mcintosh and his 18 
brother William for land which had been granted to them in Newport District. 
 
Another swap, this time for a 1,200 acre tract on the mainland across from Broughton, brought the island into the hands of Henry Laurens 19 
 
Laurens obtained other tracts of land south of the Altamaha River in the 
 
1763 South Carolina giveaway, in particular a 3,000 acre tract opposite Broughton Island which Laurens named New Hope. 20 Edmund Egan, Laurens' surveyor, was dis- 
 
patched to survey the land, followed immediately by another surveyor, John B. 
 
Giradeau, who had been directed by another South Carolinian, Colonel Thomas 
 
Middleton, to lay off the land for him. Middleton later claimed that Lachlan 
 
Mcintosh waylaid Giradeau, getting him drunk, in order that Egan might survey 
 
21 
 
' 
 
the land for Laurens first. Whether th~ alleged incident actually transpired 
 
or not, it reveals much of the "land fever" which was rampant in South Carolina 
 
at the time. 
 
Laurens lost in another controversial land grant, this time for a 1,200 
 
acre tract which came to be known as Broadface. Laurens attempted to obtain the 
 
land, which adjoined New Hope to the northwest, for Lachlan Mcintosh, but the 
 
land was granted instead to a small Charleston businessman named Darby Pendergrass. 22 Laurens entered a caveat against Pendergrass, lost, and eventually purchased the land for ~1,000. 23 A year later he sold the land to Mcintosh, probably as part of the Broughton Island deal. 24 
 
Since Laurens ownership of New Hope was insecure, Broughton Island was 
 
 52 
selected as the site of Henry Laurens' first Georgia plantation. The South Carolinian, however, had difficulties finding someone to manage the property. Entering into an agreement with two other Charleston grantees, he contracted a developer for the island, then left the supervision of the venture to the direction of another of the partners, who failed to obtain results. 25 It was two years later, in April of 1766, before a competent manager went to work, clearing Broughton Island and embanking the rice fields. 26 This time, however, Laurens took the precaution of touring the Altamaha area in May, June and July 
27 of that year. Although Mcintosh never actually managed Broughton Island, he did keep a close eye on it for his friend, and the plantation became a strong tie between the two men, despite one incident which occurred during one of Laurens' diplomatic absences. At that time the overseer resigned, due to Mcintosh 1 s a.ttempts to direct the entire operation. 28 
Laurens began planting Broughton Island in 1767, growing rice and hemp for market and experimenting in corn, pea and cotton production. 29 The 1767 crop cleared enough to pay the expenses of establishing the plantation and of clearing and errbank.ing additional rice acreage for the next year. 30 Laurens was encouraged by this success to begin developing New Hope the following year. 31 
Lachlan Mcintosh, in the meantime, was busy with his General's Island plantation and Broadface was one of many tracts of land which he owned but did not develop. He did, however, petition for and receive 300 acres of "surplus land in a tract purchased by Lachlan Mcintosh from Henry Laurens originally surveyed and granted for 1,200 acres to total 1,500 acres."32 
Although  the Revolution was crippling to Laurens financially, it was an economic death blow to Mcintosh. In spite of his efforts, he could not regain his pre-war status, and consequently withdrew gradually from public life. In 1785, Mcintosh handled what was to be the lastrecorded business deal between 
 
 53 
himself and Henry Laurens, obtaining renewal certificates, "in a frenzy of activity," for their land south of the Altamaha which had not previously been registered and was on the verge of being declared vacant. 33 
When Laurens died in 1792, he had recouped his losses from the war, stating 34 
that had it not been for the Revolution he would have been too rich. Mcintosh survived his friend by fourteen years, never regaining financial stability. 35 
 
 54 
 
FOOTNOTES Laurens and MCintosh 
 
1 Herbert E. Bolton and Mary Ross, Th~ Debateable Land (Berkeley, 1925), 
p. 6. 
2 Ibid., p. 3. 
 
3Ibid., pp. 4, 72. 
 
4..!..!.2.. ' p  5 
5~., pp. 108, 109. 
 
6Ibid., p. 109; David Rogers Chesnutt, South Carolina's Expansion into Coloni3l Georgia, 1720-1765 (PhD, University of Georgia, 1973), pp. 177,178. 
 
7 ~., pp. 179, 181; Allen D. Candler and Lucien Lamar Knight, eds., ~ Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, v. 28, p. 736. (cited afterwards as CRG.) 
 
8Referred to in a letter to the King, recorded in CRG, v. 34, p. 535. 
 
9Chesnutt, .. cit., p. 1.78. 
 
10~' p. 187. 
 
11David Duncan Wa.llace, Life of Henry Laurens !!!.!:.h.! Sketch ,.2! ~ Life Ei His Son (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons~ 1915), p. 235. 
 
12~., p. 130. 13 
Ibid., p. 126. 
 
14 
 
Ibid., n.; Harvey Hardaway Jackson, General Lachlan Mcintosh, 1727-1806: 
 
A Biogra~(PhD, Universi.ty of Georgia, 1973), p. 13. 
 
-- 
 
15 Ibid., p. 16. 
 
16 ~., pp. 17-19. 
 
17 Georgia Grant Book! (1756-1758), p. 652; located in the Office of the 
Surveyor General, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
18 Georgia Colonial Conveyance~ C-2 (1761-1766), pp. 632-633; on micro- 
film reel 40/19, Georgia Department of Archives 'and History. 
 
19 Georgia Colonial Conveyance ~ c-2 (176~-1766), pp. 990-992; on micro- 
film reel 40/19, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
 
 55 
 
20 South Carolina Grant Book XX (1763-1764), p. 64; microfilm reel 145/49, 
Georgia Department of Archives andlHistory. 
 
21Jackson, ~ cit., p. 27; Chesnutt,~ cit., p. 188; letter from Henry 
Laurens to Lachlan Mcintosh, May 4, 1763, the Letterbooks, Henry Laurens Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania: "People say that you contrived to detain Col. Middleton's surveyor to drink .  Middleton informs me that   . you made him drunk and kept him so while our surveyor went ahead of him  " 
22 Chesnutt,~ cit., p. 190; South Carol~. na Grant Book XX,~ cit., p. 105. 
23 Chesnutt, loc. cit.; Charleston County, South Carolina Deed Book C-3, 
pp. 711-16; letter from Henry Laurens to Lachlan Mcintosh, August 15~6~the Letterbooks, Henry Laurens Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania: "I am in treaty with Mr. Pendergrass for your favourite 1200 Acre Tract upon Altamaha he offerd it------ he has this moment agreed to sell it to me for One Thousand Pounds currency & I hope he will be as good as his word I shall endeavour to gett the platt & Grant from him in order to prevent fallbacks if possible for he seems to be very unsteady & in fact has no will of his own-------" 
24 Charleston County, S.C. Deed~ E-3, p. 136. 
 
25Chesnutt, .. cit., pp. 192, 193. 
 
26Ibid. , p. 19 3. 
 
27Wallace, .. cit. , p. 166. 
 
28 Jacks on, .2 
 
.!.E.. , 
 
pp. 
 
28, 
 
43. 
 
29 Wallace, . cit., p. 131. 
 
30Chesnutt, .. ..!!.., p. 194. 
 
31 Ibid. 
 
32 Georgia 
 
Grant ~I 
 
(1770-1774), 
 
p. 
 
951, 
 
located 
 
in 
 
the 
 
Surveyor 
 
General's 
 
Office, Georgia Department of Archives and His tory. 
 
33Jackson,  cit., P 222. 
 
34 Wallace, .. cit., p. 136. 
 
35 Jackson, 
 
.. .!.!., 
 
p. 
 
246. 
 
 THE BRAILS FORDS 
After Henry Laurens' death, Broughton Island was placed on the market by his heirs. Although there is little to document it, it seems apparent that the man who eventually came to own Broughton was William Brailsford of Charleston. 
William Brailsford's grandfather, Edmund Brailsford, seems to have been the first of his family to emmigrate to South Carolina. Correspondence bet\<leen Edmund and his father in England indicates that the young Brailsford married against his father's wishes; the father writing in the late 1720's requesting that Edmtmd allow at least one of the old man's grandsons to return to England. 1 Whether or not this was accomplished at that time is not known, but after Edmtmd Brailsford's death in the spring of 17332 at least some of the children returned to England. 
Samuel Brailsford, a younger son of Edmund and his controversial wife, became "a respectable merchant," dealing in the colonial trade between South Carolina and England, and appears to have quite successfully negotiated two lives on e1. ther side of the Atlantic. 3 He married Susan Holmes of Charleston, but seems to hav~ made his home primarily in England. 4 Whether the couple's children, Susan, Elizabeth and William, were born in England or in South Carolina is not known, but Ophelia Troup Dent recalls in her Hemoirs that her grandfather, William, . grew up in England, "a gay yotmg man, visiting Paris, dressing in fine silks, 
5 laces, silk stockings and buckles." 
Although Samuel's business was in England, he retained his ties l<rith South Carolina. He was a founding member of the Charleston Library Society in 17486 and, as tensions between the colonies and Great Britain grew increasingly explosive, 
56 
 
 57 
joined with several other merchants to ~raft an address to the King on "the 
7 
situation of affairs between Great Britain and the American colonies." 
The Revolution must have put an end, however temporary, to Samuel Brails- 
ford's business and Mrs. Dent stated t r:a t a "mercantil ~ failure" (unnamed) brought 8 
the family back to South Carolina. While Samuel eventually returned to Bristol and died there, 9 his son, William, apparently chose to remain in South Carolina. 
He married Maria He~vard, a daughter of the great South Carolina rice-planting 
dynasty, in June of 1786. 10 Maria's half-brother, Thom~s, was a signer of the 
11 Declaration of Independence and her brother, Nathaniel, was acknowledged to be 
the largest plante~ of his day, owning at least 2,500 slaves and seventeen rice 12 
plantations . By the time William Brailsford acquired Broughton Island, he 13 
had amassed a small fortune, in addition to his wife's, and a large family. 
Of the sale of Broughton Island little is known, and existing documentation 
is frequently contradictory. Sometime prior to 1802, Johnathan Fabian of Liberty 
County, Georgia obtained possession of a portion of Broughton Island, one-third 
of which he offered fer sale in the May 25, 1802 edition of the Columbia Museum 
and Savannah Advertiser: 
The Subscriber being desirous of increasing his number of Field Negroes, and possessing a much larger surplusage of land than he conceives any way expedient for him to retain, offers for sale, at private contract , one undivided third part of Broughton Island, on the Altamaha R~ver, in the South of Georgia, which by. an accurate resurvey thereof as late as the year 1795, is represented to contain 2,880 acres of as prime river swamp as any in the two states without exception; which from its peculiar quality is highly adapted to the culture of either cotton or rice. About 300 acres of the Island are under substantial banks, and in a state of progressive improvement-of about 230 acres under the growth /of rice last year, 15,000 bushels (at least) of grain were brought off the ground, although the force employed in gathering in and securing were by no means adequate for so ponderous a crop. 
To compound the confusion, David Ramsay of Charleston, the son-in-law of 
Henry Laurens, also advertised one-third of Broughton to be sold or rented 
 
 58 
in the January 1, 1803 edition of the Georgia Republican and State Intelligencer. Mrs. Dent stated that her grandfather "bought Broughton Island from General Laurens' heirs, the Ramsays of Charleston. " 14 This seems the more likely, as the Charleston connection remained very strong for the Brailsfords and the two families were certainly acquainted: Martha Laurens Ramsay was a close friend of William Brailsford ' s sister, Elizabeth.. 15 
There is, however, a deed dated December 2, 1803 between the administrator of the estate of Johna.than Fabian and William Brailsford, located in the Liberty County recor.ds. 16 It conveys ~-thirds of Broughton Island by means of an agreement wherein Brailsford takes up "certain bonds" executed by Fabian to, among others, Dr. Ramsay. There is no deed from Ramsay directly to Brailsford until, in 1816, after Brailsford's death, a deed between the children of David Ramsay and Maria Brailsford appears in the Charleston County, South Carolina records. 17 It records, rather obscurely, the division of Broughton Island and conveys onethird of it to Mrs. Brailsford. Some legal dispute apparently took place over the island, which is not clearly recorded in the deed. 
At any rate, sometime during 1803, William Brailsford believed himself the owner of Broughton Island and came to Georgia with Heyward family slaves, experienced in rice planting, to staff the island, returning to Charleston convinced that the plantation would be in capable hands. 18 Unfortunately, he appears to have made a bad choice of overseers, for, during the great hurricane of 1804, the lives of seventy slaves were lost and Broughton Island devastated, apparently due to the negligence of the overseer. 19 
"The Charleston life was at an end," according to Mrs. Dent, and the family "moved to Broughton Island as soon as a rough house, put up by plantation carpenters, 
20 could be built." In addition to the personal tragedy involved in the death of the slaves, the event constituted an enormous financial loss. Once again, the 
 
 59 
fate of Broughton Island is unknown. Mrs. Dent related that although one creditor 
retracted the sale, "the others were wiser and held on, - Miss Eleanor Ramsay for 
one, I know, receiving interest on $9,000 for fif~y years, when the debt was paid by my father's executors." 21 Mrs. Ramsay's memoirs, however, tell a different 
22 
StO:t")': 
Near~y the whole of Mrs. Ramsay's paternal estate consisted of unproductive Georgia lands, which, from the unsettled state of our foreign relations for the last fifteen years of her life would either not sell or if previously sold, were not paid for  The hurricane of 1804 frustrated a verbal contract for the sale of another portion of her paternal Georgia lands, for 5,000 pounds sterling which still remains unsold and unproductive. 
Whatever the disposition, Broughton Island had proved to be unsafe, and, 
although in a financial bind, Brailsford was in the market for a more secure loca- 
tion for his plantation. 
The Broadface tract was advertised for sale in the (Savannah) Georgia 
Republican of February 2, 1806: 
Prime Rice Lands for Sale - All that valuable tract of land fronted and being on the south side of the Altamaha River, known by the name of Broadface Tract, late the property of General Lachlan Mcintosh, containing 1,755 acres, of which 1,100 acres are prime tide swamp of the first quality and very best pitch of tide; the balance high (well timbered) pineland, and well calculated for a settlement or settlements~ This tract is divided into three parts, through the upper third runs a large navigable creek leading to a landing on which may be erected a Rice Mill, Saw Mill, or Grist Mill. This property is situated immediately opposite Major Butler's, Demere's Island; and from its local advantages is the most desirable river estate in Georgia." 
Lachlan Mcintosh had sold this property to his son, Henry Laurens Mcintosh, 
according to the deed which William Brailsford obtained upon purchasing the lower 
th~d of this tract, 23 and the land was rechristened Broadfield, as the young 
BDkilsfords preferred the name. 24 Although Mrs. Dent did not record a description 
of Broadfield House, another source described it as "a wide spreading, two-storied 
house with great chimneys at either end, hand-hewn timbers above, tabby walls 
below. A carriage drive led through the center of the first story to a courtyard 
 
 60 
 
in the rear." 25 There is no documentation for this description, although it 
 
seems to have been fairly typical of the plantation houses of the area, and is 
 
probably close to accurate. Many rice plantation houses utilized the high base- 
 
ment with the main entrance on the second floor reached by a long flight of ex- 
 
terior steps; the second story entrance most likely designed to raise the living 
 
quarters of the house above the miasma of low-lying places and perhaps to avoid 
 
. 
 
26 
 
flooding. 
 
In addition, the family required a summer home and, "until a house was 
 
built on the north point of Cumberland Island, the [Brailsford] family sunnnered in Charleston or in Mcintosh Cotmty."27 They retained the planter transience; 
 
in 1806, for reasons not innnediately apparent, but probably having to do with 
 
non-payment of debts, a federal court fotind it necessary to declare William 
Brailsford a citizen of the State of (;_eorgia_:_~~- 
In the Columbian Museum and Savannah Advertiser of December 16, 1810, 
 
the death of the Georgia citizen was duly noted: "DIED, on Monday the 25th 
 
ult. on St. Simons [Island] WILLIAM BRAILSFORD, Esq. formerly of South Carolina." 
 
No will has been discovered for Brailsford, but he appears to have left all of 
 
his property to the care of his wife, Maria, "a widow with an estate heavily in 
 
debt." Unforttmately, Mrs. Dent tells little of her grandmother's "brave strug- 
 
gle to pay her debts and save her property." The management of the property was 
 
apparently entirely in the control of Mrs. Brailsford and her daughter, Camilla. 
 
. 
 
29 
 
Cotton was planted on the high ground, as it brought a high price, and they 
 
must have been successful rice planters as one source says that "the fields .[at 
 
Broadfield] produced such a fine quality of grain that according to government 
 
record, the superior 'Broadfield Rice' on the Charleston market took its name from the Brailsford plantati.on. 1130 
 
 61 
FOOTNOTES 
~ Brails fords 
1"correspondence between Edmund Brailsford and his Father," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, VIII (1909), pp. 165, 166. 
2Lothrop Withington, "South Carolina Gleanings in England," South Carolina Historical~ Genealogical Magazine, V (1904), pp. 165, 166. 
3ophelia Troup Dent, Memoirs, unpublished, original manuscript located at Hofwyl Plantation; transcript in appendix, pages a75-a86; Jeanie_Heyward Register, "Marriage and Death Notices from the City Gazette,".South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XXVI (1925), p. 135. 
4 Dent, loc. cit. 
5Ibid. 6 Arthur Mazyck, "Preface to the Catalogue of the Charleston Library Society, 1786," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XXIII (1922), p. 163. 
7The (Savannah) Georgia Gazette, January 17, 1776. 8 
Dent, loc. cit. 9Register, loc. cit. 10 
Joseph W. Barnwell and Mabel L. Webber, "St. Helena's Parish Register," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XXIII (1922), p. 22; Mabel L. \olebber, "Marriage and Death notices from the Charleston Morning Post and Daily Advertiser," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XX (1919), p. 144. 
11Dent , lo c. cit. 12 
Duncan Clinch Heyward,~!!! Madagascar (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), p. 74; Heyward devotes a chapter to his ancestor, "The L~rgest Planter of His Day." 
13Dent, loc. cit. 14~, p. a172. 15 
Martha Laurens Ramsay, Memoirs of the~ of Martha Laurens Ramsay, ~ 
~ 1.!l Charleston, South Carolina~~ .!.Q!!!. !June, 1811 l!!, ~~year of 
her age {Privately printed, n.d.), contains a section of letters to her "attached and affectionate friend, Elizabeth Brailsford." 
16Liberty County, Georgia Deed Book F (1804-1809), p. 119, located on m.1crofilm reel 30/17, Georgia Departm~of Archives and History. 
 
 62 
 
17 
 
. 
 
Charleston County, South Carolina Deed Book 0-8, pp. 106=107. 
 
18 Dent, lac. cit. 
19 Ibid.; Katherine M. Jones, The Plantation South (Indianapolis: Babbs 
Merrill, 1957), p. 92, quoting from Mathew Davis' Memoirs of Aaron Burr, v.7. 
20 Dent, lac. cit. 
21 Ibid .. 
 
22Ramsay, op. cit., p. 47n. 23 
Glynn County, Georgia Deed Book ABEF (1787-1808), pp. 483-485, on microfilm reel 82/32, Georgia Department~Archives and History. 
24 Dent, lac. cit. 
25 Burnette Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles (Athens: Univer- 
sity of Georgia Press, 1970), p. 102. 
 
26Jack Nelson Averitt, Georgia's Coastal Plain (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1964), p. 710; Mason Crum, Gullah (Durham: Duke University Press, 1940; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1968), p. 235. 
 
27Dent, lac. cit.; a letter from William Brailsford to Thomas Spalding of Sapelo, dated Augus~, 1807 and located at Hofwyl Plantation, mentions an impending move to Cumberland, "where I have built a small House." 
 
28Hinutes of the Circuit Court of the Sixth District, Georgia, 1806-1816 - D, p. 917. 
 
29Dent, lac. cit. 30 
Vanstory, lac. cit. 
 
 THE TROUPS 
Camilla Brailsford married James McGilvray (spelling varies) Troup in 1813 or 
1814 1 Troup, a phys1. cian, was .the brother of Georgia Governor George M. Troup, and 
had lately taken up residence in Darien. 2 Dr. Troup took over management of Broadfield and the other Brailsford properties, making his winter home in Darien and his summer home at Baisden's Bluff, later Crescent, in Mcintosh County. 3 
Troup must have been a successful planter, for he "brought [his lands] to the highest state of cultivation."4 In addition to the Brailsford lands, he also owned and managed a "fine tract of land known as the 'Court House' on the old stage road, planted cotton and corn, and kept cattle  .  an overseer was in charge. In the summer it was his custom to take a daily ride [there] on horseback, except on Monday and Tuesday when he visited Broadfield. "5 
Troup was also active in the social, political and financial affairs of Darien, a small but bustling town at that time, with an active port. 6 It boasted, in 1845, a courthouse, jail, five churches, one hotel, an academy and twelve 
7 stores. The lands along the Altamaha, 5,000 acres of which were devoted to 
8 tidal-flow rice plantations, were considered second in value of all Georgia lands, superceeded only by the Savannah River area. The Altamaha soil, nonetheless, was considered superior, having "more of vegetable mould than the .lands on the Savannah," and lY,eing "more easily cultivated .,g Three plantation-owned steam engines on the Altamaha did the threshing and pounding of the local rice production. Social life along both sides of the river was extensive: ''hunting, dancing, visiting and fishing" and, typical of the rice society which based its existence on water, boat racing, with each planter priding himself on the swiftness of his boat and its crew of slaves. 10 
63 
 
 64 
 
The Union Agricultural Society, one of the earliest such societie~ in Georgia, 
 
u was formed in Darien in 1823,ll  James Troup serving as treasurer in 1825. 
 
That 
 
same year, having served as a director of the Bank of Darien since 1818, he was 
 
elected president pro tern, 13 following with three terms as bank president beginning 
 
14 
 
. 15 . 
 
in 1828. Troup was also elected treasurer of Darien in 1812 and mayor in 
 
16 
 
17 
 
1829, and served terms as alderman and state senator. 
 
James and Camilla Troup had six children who lived to adulthood, and the 
 
daughters of Governor Troup, Florida and Oralie, grew up in the home of their 
 
18 aunt and uncle in Darien, as well. Fanny Kemble remarked on the beauty of Ora- 
 
. 
 
19 
 
lie Troup during her ill-fated "residence," but gave little indication of her 
 
20 
 
. 
 
impressions of Camilla Troup, who paid the actress a visit. Similarly, when 
 
Hr . and Hrs. Basil Hall visited James Hamilton Couper at his Altamaha plantation, 
 
Hopeton, in 1827, Dr. and Hrs. Troup were invited to dinner, however Mr. Hall 
 
does not mention the incident in his accounts of his travels and Mrs. Hall appear~d 
 
more 
 
impressed with 
 
former 
 
Governor Troup, \oTho "t-Tas 
 
also a 
 
21 guest. 
 
Dr. and Mrs. 
 
Troup's daughter, Ophelia, described the Troups in her Memoirs as "reserved and 
 
silent," a marked contrast to the Brailsfords, who \vere "spirited and gay, spend- 
22 
ing money lavishly." Another contemporary, Charles S. Hylly, remembered that 
 
"at the Troup's a stricter etiquette of manner and behaviour prevailed than in r1ost 
 
of the houses I visited." 
Mrs. Brailsford, grandmother of the younger people, to1as a strict disciplinarian, and had brought from Carolina to Georgia wuch of the habit of life that belonged to that older state. Dr. Troup, a son of Catherine Mcintosh of Alabama, was hitll.self something of a formalist   Mrs. Call'.illa Troup herself "tolas a stickler for propriety of bearing and demeanor. As a mere boy I remember witnessinp the lessons given her daughters as to the corr~3t and proper mode of entering a room where company was asset'1bled  
 
. Tile Troup homes were undoubtedly the showplaces of the Darien vicinity. 
 
Baia.den 's Bluff ,was apparently a r~sort community_ and, although the planters and 
 
their families who sununered there considered therr.selves "roughinr. it," the ckrellings 
 
 65 
were rather grand. 'The only description of the Troup's summer home is brief: 
"of tabby with very large parlour and dining room, and confined sleeping compartments, " 24 but the description of a home for sale on 'The Ridge, just south of 
Baisden's Bluff, is more detailed: 
The Subscriber offers for Sale his Summer Residence, named 1fizar situated in that pleasant neip;hborhood called the Ridge, about three miles from Darien.- TI1e prospect is a COIT'.manding one, having the vim-1 of three inlets - Li.ttle St. Simons, Doboy and Sapelo, and "t<lith respect to the health of said neighborhood, it has for several years been tested. 
On the premises are a comfortable Dwelling House, 'vith four bedroorr,s, a hall, and piazzas extendinr; around three sides, v!ith a stoop in front; a kitchen and Hash room, a storeroom, stable and carriag~ house, and two provision and several servant's houses ornamented l.Jith a Vineyard, (which lvill be in full bearing in the year 1831) occupying the space of about four acres, with selectioning of the best quality for wine and table use, and two or three years ago, obtained direct from the Island of Haderia, Prince's and Labat's Vineyard in the State of Nc"t--1 York, and different parts of Georgia and South Carolina; so that with rerard to variety, it is equal to any in the Southern States. 
There is also attached a large nursery of several thousand of these different varieties, together Hith raising orange, fip and peach trees - ~lith a kitchen garden; and a few acres besides of choice ground for farming.25 
In 1824, James H. Troup "began buildinr; his beautiful 'tabby' house, employ- 
inr, the same architect, Jay, ~1ho had pet up the old Habernnam and 0\-1ens Houses in 26 
Savannah. " The architect referred to is probably Hilliam Jay, trained in Fnplanc, 27 
and active for a period of time in Georgia and South Carolina. Little docurnen- 
tation is available on his career in the South, and Hrs. Dent's statement is the 28 
only one which connects hir.1 'vith the Troups. Unfortunately, she does not describe 
the house, nor does she say on which of her father's properties it vJas constructed. 
Although tradition holds that the hor.1e v!as built on I\roadfield Plantation, 
Jl-!rs. Dent maintained that the familiy' s winter home was in Darien "until the '40's, 
29 
when  for the great advantage to the plantation, '"e moved over [to Broadfield]" 
As it seems unlikely that even as wealthy a planter as Dr. Troup would have 
gone to the expense of building a seldom-occupied home, it would appear that the 
 
 66 
Jay house would have been built in Darien, and would have been burned in 1863, when a fire destroyed that city. 
Broadfield, in fact, was at least partially owned by Camilla Brailsford Troup's brother, Daniel Heyward Brailsford, 30 who was murdered in 1833 by an overseer whom he had discharged. 31 Mrs. Brailsford, the daughter of Thomas Spalding of Sapelo, 32 "preferred keeping her cotton plantation, Sutherland's Bluff. . .intact, and letting the Broadfield property be sold in 1834," Mrs. Dent remembered. "My father [James Troup] had no alternative but to buy." 33 In this way, James Troup became sole owner of Broadfield Plantation. In addition, Henry Laurens 1 heirs had sold New Hope Plantation in 1829 to Camilla Brailsford Troup's future brother-in-law, John G. Be11. 34 Bell married Eugenia Brailsford in 1838, and both died that same year without children. New Hope was left to Bell's family and was again put on the market. 35 "The purchase was put off as long as possible," Mrs. Dent recalled. "Biddle's Bank, in Philadelphia, had failed, and the country was passing through a monied crisis, rice selling as low as forty cents a bushel.  eventually New Hope was bought at $26,000."36 
When Dr. Troup died, nine years later, he left a heavily mortgaged property. His will directed that all debts be paid immediately, with no part of Broadfield being sold to pay these debts, and that none of the land be divided until all the debts were paid. Executors of this monumental task were Troup's eldest son, Brailsford, and his neighbor, James Hamilton Couper of Hopeton and Altama. 37 Charles S. Wylly suggested that the debt consisted of "$70,000 as a lien on land and negroes,"38 and Mrs. Dent remembered that the debt was "close on to $80,000, au~ the estate was thought again insolvent, as in my grandmother's time."39 
At the time of his death, Troup was the owner of approximately 7,300 acres of land, two tabby houses, one wooden house, and 357 slaves. 40 As the settlement of the estate took approximately six years, there are, as can be expected, exten- 
 
 67 
sive estate records, the accounts of which contain invaluable information on the day-to-day operation of Broadfield Plantation in its years of greatest production. 
By far the largest number of entries relate to the sale and shipment of rice and attendant expenses, such as cooperage, wharfage, freight, d.rayage, porterage and insurance. The overseer's salary of $1,000 was no longer an item after 1850, when Daniel Heyward BrailsfordTroup began managing Broadfield personally, taking as his fee $750 for superintendence and $200 for medical services. 41 (Young Troup, like his father and younger brother, Robert, was a physician.) Foodstuffs ordered by the plantation included molasses, corn, slat, sugar, coffee, pork, bacon, oats and prunes, augmented by claret, champagne, brandy, whiskey, beer, ale and tobacco. One barrel of whiskey, ordered in August, was specifically designated "for the negroes," and was probably intended for the harvest festival. 42 Clothing for the slaves was ordered occasionally, but a large number of entries are for cloth: 251 yards of shirting, 477 1/4' yards of heavy twill, 630 yards of white "plains," 975 yards of blue stripes, and 1, 794 yards of "cotton oznaburgs. " 43 There are also or- 
ders for eighteen pounds of thread and eighteen gross of "bone buttons. ,r44 Medical 
supplies include eight gallons of castor oil, four gallons of spirits of turpentine, six ounces of "calomel," one pound of "Dover's Powder," two rolls of blister plaster, two quarts of paragoric, two ounces of laudanum, one ounce of opium, two pounds of sulphur, four ounces of tincture of myrrh and three gallons of alcoho1. 45 Other entries of ~nterest include jailer's fees for imprisoned slaves, eighty-two blankets at 35 cents each, a subscription to the Literary Messenger, and a bill for "machinery erected at Broadfield;" most likely a rice rni11. 46 
James Troup's property was divided in 1856, 47 but it was not until two years later that a deed was issued which made the division officia1. 48 Broadfield and New Hope were divided into three portions, the largest and northernmost part cornposed entirely of Broadfield and held jointly by J. Robert Troup, Matilda B. Troup 
 
 68 
 
Clelia Troup; the center section and northern part of New Hope became the property 
 
of Ophelia Troup and her husl>and; George C. Dent; and the lower portion was deeded 
 
to Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup. Charles Manigault Morris, the husband of 
 
Hannah Heyward Troup who had died during the settlement of the estate, agreed to re- 
 
ceive only slaves and money as his share, rather than a portion of the plantations. 
 
He, along with the other heirs; also received a one-sixth interest in James Troup's Mcintosh county >properties, including Broughton Island. 49 
 
The exact disposition of Broughton remains as obscure as its original acquis- 
 
ition. The Bryan family lived on it and planted it, apparently owning it jointly 
 
50 
 
51 
 
with the Troups for many years. By coincidence, Mrs. Bryan was Florida Troup. 
 
 69 
 
FOOTNOTES The Troups 
 
1 Ophelia Troup Dent, Memoirs, unpublished, original manuscript located at 
Hofwyl Plantation; transcript in appendix, pages a75-a86. 
2 Ibid. 
 
3 Ibid., 
 
p. 
 
al77; 
 
Charles 
 
s.~  Wylly, 
 
Annals 
 
and 
 
Statistics 
 
of 
 
Glynn 
 
County, 
 
Georgia (Privately printed, 1896), p. 66. 
 
4 Wylly, 
 
 
 
cit., 
 
p. 
 
16. 
 
5 Dent, loc. cit. 
 
6 Joseph Warren Smith, Visits to Brunswick, Georgia and Travels South (Boston, 
190 7) ' p  19 . 
7 George White, Statistics of the State of Georgia (Savannah, 1849), p. 415. 
 
8 Albert Virgil House, Jr., '~abor Management Problems on Georgia Rice Plantations, 1840-1860," Agricultural History, XXVIII (1954), p. 149. 
 
9 
 
. 
 
J.D.B. DeBow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western States 
 
(New York: DeBow's :- Revew, 1853), v. I, p. 355':"" - - 
 
-- 
 
10 White,. cit., pp. 286, 284. 
 
A 11 James C. Bonner, History of Georgia Agriculture, 1732-1860 (Athens: University of Georgia Press), p. 110. 
 
12The Savannah (Georgia) Republican, February 19, 1825. 
 
13 The Savannah Republican, March 12, 1825; The Columbia Museum and Savannah 
Daily Gazette, December 30, 1818, November 23, 1819, etc. Discussions of the financial role of the Bank of Darien may be found in Milton Sidney Heath, Constructive Liberalism: The Role of the State in the Economic Development of Georgia to 1860 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), E. M~rton Ooulter, Thomas Spalding of Sapelo (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949), chapter 8, and Thomas P. Govan, "The Banking and Credit System in Georgia, 1810-1860," Journal of Southern History, IV (1939), pp. 164-184. 
 
14 The Savannah Georgian, January 12, 1828. 
 
15The Republican and Savannah Evening Ledger, January 4, 1812. 
 
16 The (Savannah) Georgian, November 28, 1829. 
 
17 Burnette Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles (Athens: University 
of Georgia Press, 1970), p. 64; The Darien (Georgia) Gazette, January 1, 1821. 
 
 70 
18 Frances Anne Kemble, Journal of ~ Residence ~ ~ Georgian Plantation in 
1838-1839, edited with an introduction by John A. Scott (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), p. 150n; Dent, loc. cit. 
19 Kemble,.!?.. cit., p. 150. 
20 Ibid., p. 176. 
21Margaret Hunter Hall, The Ar~.stocratic Journey: Being the Outspoken Letters of Mrs. Basil Hall Written during !!.. Fourteen Months' Sojourn in America; 1827-1828 (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons', 1931), pp. 233, 234. 
22 Dent, loc. cit, 
23 Wylly, .2. cit., p. 67. 
24 Ibid. 
25 The Savannah Georgian, March 2, 1829. 
26 Dent, loc. cit. 27 
James Vernon McDonough, William Jay: Regency Architect in Georgia and South Carolina (PhD, Princeton University, 1950), p. 1. 
28 Ibid., p. 75. 
29 Dent, loc. cit. 
30 Ibid. 31 
The Savannah Georgian, August 27, September 3, November 26, 28, 30, 1833. 32 
The Savannah Republican, June 21, 1821. 33 
Dent, . loc. cit. 
34Glynn County, Georgia Deed Book~ (1824-1837), p. 212; microfilm reel 82/34, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
35 Dent, loc. cit. 
36 Ibid.,; original deed located at Hofwyl Plantation. 
37Glynn County, Georgia Wills, Inventories and Appraisements Book! (18441853), p. 135; microfilm reel 82/4, Georgia Department of Archives and History. see appendix, p. a53. 
38 Wylly, .2. cit., p. 62. 
39Dent, loc. cit. 40 
Glynn County, Georgia Wills .Book!'.!?.. cit., pp. 156-159; see appendix, pp. a54-:-a57. 
 
 71 
41.!.E.!, P 250. 
42Glynn County, Georgia \-Jills, Inventories ~ Appraisements ~!. (18531859), p. 348; microfilm reel 82/5, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
43Glynn Coup.ty, Georgia lUlls   ~ _!, .2. .!!, pp. 169, 246, 247, etc. 
44~, P 247. 
45.!!?...!2. , p. 246. 
-46 Ibid., PP 201, 249, e.tc. 
47 Original estate papers located at Hon.ryl Plantation. 
48Glynn- County, Georgia~~ 1::.!: (1922-1923), P 755; tt.;o copies of 
original at Hofwyl Plantation. 
49.IE.!.; .original estate papers located at IIofwyl Plantation. 
50 Georgia Bryan Conrad, "Reminiscences of a Southern Homan," printed in 
the Southern \Jorkman, 1901; published in pamphlet form by the Hampton Institute Press, Hampton, Virginia, n.d., p. 5. 
51TKemble, .E. ill, p. 278n. 
 
 THE DENTS 
Ophelia Troup was the first child to be born in her father's Jay house, in 1827, and was married twenty years later in the "old Broadfield House on the twentysecond of November, 1847," to George Columbus Dent. 1 The bridegroom, a native of South Carolina, was the son of John Hubert Dent, a naval officer who at one time 
commanded the u.s.s. Constitution, "Old Ironsides." 2 The elder Dent died when 
George was less than two years old, and Mrs. Dent moved to Georgia, living the rest of her life at her plantation, Cedar Hill, near Darien. For eight years following their marriage, Ophelia and George Dent lived at Cedar Hill, managing his mother's plantation.3 In 1856, following the elder Mrs. Dent's death, Ophelia and George "moved over to Broadfield and Hofwyl was settled," Dent "calling it after the then great Hofwyl school in Switzerland . . .where he had been educated."4 
The popular date of construction of Hofwyl House is 1851. According to local tradition it had been built as an overseer's cottage, the family moving into it when Broadfield House burned around 1858. Research, however, tends to negate these traditions. No documentation has been found for the burning of Broadfield 
' 
and, while the estate papers of James M. Troup record several orders for nails, lumber and shingles in the early years of the 1850's, they also ~ndicate that the construction of a rice mill was going on at that time and that no overseer was employed after 1850, at least until after the settlement of the estate. 5 
Much also has been made of the simple nature of the design of Hofwyl House as appropriate for an overseer's house. Simple design, however, seems to have been the rule on the rice coast rather than the exception, as so ~any of the planters made their homes on their plantations for only part of the year. The only 
72 
 
 73 
 
truly unique feature of Hofwyl House's architecture is its proximity to the 
 
ground, an exceptional characteristic for a residence in the malarial low country. 
 
Charles S. Wylly, a contemporary of George and Ophelia Dent, believed that 
 
the couple had built the house for themselves, 6 and Mrs. Dent stated that "the 
 
house at Hofwyl was not finished when our Civil War broke out. 
 
"7 although 
 
she may have been referring to repairs and renovations. While a precise date 
 
for Hofwyl House has not been determined to date, it can be assumed from Mrs. 
 
Dent's comments that it was under construction at the latest in 1860. 
 
The Dent's ownership of Hofwyl was brief before the outbreak of the Civil 
 
War. The decade of the 1850's had been Georgia's most prosperous in terms of 
 
rice production, the state producing forty-five per cent of South Carolina's crop in 1859, 8'\but the onset of war brought a halt to the rapidly increasing 
 
production. Like numerous other planters, George C. Dent chose to serve the 
 
Confederacy and organized and commanded the Glynn Rangers, "the first company 
 
to be equipped and take the field. This company, forming a part of the 4th 
 
Georgia Cavalry did good and efficient service on the coast of Georgia and Florida, greatly distinguishing itself for vigilance and daring. ''9 l.Vith the arrival of 
 
Union warships off the coast of Georgia, the "uncertain condition. render[ed] it unpleasant for Ladies to be upon the plantation,"10 and, consequently, large 
 
numbers of coastalJfamilies evacuated, one source estimating as much as seventyfive per cent of the total population. 11 
 
For one who had never witnessed the cruel effects of War the mind can hardly realize its saddening tendencies upon all classes . In Savan- 
nah quite a Panic had taken place. Numerous families were hastening to seek shelter in the interior of Georgia whilst all business was at a stand. The same feeling existed in Charleston; Indeed had the Enemy known the weakness of our two cities and the great consternation spread throughout the entire community in November, 1861, they would have caused us far more injury than they did .. 12 
 
The Dents and Troups moved to Ware county for the duration of the war, living in what became a refugee settlement for coastal families called Tebeauville. 13 
 
 74 
Little documentation survives concerning their exile and the fate of the plan- 
tations left tenantless on the Altamaha. The principal account is that of Georgia 
Bryan Conrad, the daughter of Florida Troup Bryan of Broughton Islapd, who lived 
with her cousins for several years in .the "miserable, wirerrass country, nl4 where 
they had "with many other rice planters, bought large stretches of pine barrens, 
and settled them with their slaves. nlS 
We all lived in log houses or rough frame ones, unplastered and unpainted. The land was so poor, after it was cleared, that it did not supply enough corn for man and beast. The man had to be considered first, so the beast suffered  . My cousins had but small supplies of coffee, tea, and loaf-sugar put aside for emergencies, so we fared as all around us did, having many substitutes for coffee and tea, and using brown sugar to sweeten them. The last year of the war, bacon, corn-meal, and hominy were the chief of our diet. There was no complaining, though this rough home was called Repine-  ville. Often the women and children on these plantations would be left entirely alone, withou.t a white man, surrounded by hundreds of Negroes. In all that time we never had a rude word or look from any of them, they pursuing their accustomed avocations as if there was no such thing as war. 
t.fuen we could no longer purchase ~,rhat He needed, ~ve learned to make substitutes for many things. For instance, we knit stockings, socks, gloves, mits, shirts and even guantlets [sic] We ripped up old slippers and shoesi and using these for ; patterns, supplied ourselves with .cQverings for our feet. If the material used was too stiff for our fingers, the plantation shoemaker ~.;rould stitch them for us. tve plaited palmetto and wheat straw and made hats. For my mvn amusement I learned to spin and weave and at last accomplished six yards a day, which was the regular task for a weaver. 
Nustard and arrm1root t-.1ere planted and gathered. Castor oil was ob~ained from the bean. Soap was made, even for toilet purposes Hyrtle berries an'd beeswax supplied us with candles. Some very pretty homespun dresses were made and Horn  Everything possible \vas u.qed for clothing. A small Negro boy ~1ho helped in the dining-room appeared or.e day, much to our amusement, in an entire suit of clothes made of ingrain carpet  16 
Conditions lorere much the same all along the coastline. While the rice 
coast remained isolated from much. of the ~Jar until the last year, the effect 
of the Union blockade was  continuously felt. Those planters liTho remained on 
their plantations and continued the cultivation of their crops, found that the 
occupation of Port Royal cut them off from ~ater communication with their factors 
in Charleston, and those who dealt lvith firms in Savannah faced the "great scC~.rcity 
 
 75 
of schooners at Savannah such was the eagerness of Planters to eet their craft 
to Market, on account of the uncertain and alarming state of affairs that freight 
17 
rose to a point never before kno"t-m." That most cornmon of foodstuffs on the 
rice plantation, the fish, was not to be had. There were no fish hooks and "the 
Overseer and Hyself have taken all of the bullets from the fishnets "tole could find 
and moulded them into bullets for our pistols, whilst it is impossible to purchase 
18 
Yarn of any kind for a Net either in Charleston, Savannah or Augusta." 
a But the major problem \~as described by Charles Manigault,' Savannah River 
rice planter: the lack of morale. 
Even in our secluded position "tole are not entirely exempt from the suffering of the times  The most self possessed have their feelings worked upon He have taken every precaution, yet the Enemy are quite near at hand and no one can tell what is yet in Store to befall us  Dealing as has nm.r been proved with an Enemy of no principle whatsoever, whose only aim is to spread desolation and ruin over our land; - to arm our mvn Negroes against their very Masters; and entice by every means this misguided Race to assist them in their diabolic programme. Hith this species of Warfare none of us can boast of our position, for never vlith more truth can it be said None of us can tell "what a day nay bring forth. "19 
In order to make their escape, the slaves "had only to take one of the 20 
many boats owned by ourselves and neighbors, and at night row out to the enemy." 
It seems from Mrs. Conrad's account that few of the Hofwyl-Broadfield slaves 
took advantage of this opportunity, although the fact that most of them had been 
moved inland might have been a factor. She stated: 
'65 saw the end of the contest, but not until my cousin, calling the Negroes together, told them that they "t-.rere free, and could leave when they chose, did they begin to go. Then they left in ttvos and threes, carrying "t\rith them their belongings tied in immense bundles, on their heads. Hhen the rice planters returned to the coast, they found that the Negroes had simply preceded them. There they 't-lere, settled dmm i~ their mm quarters again. After all, it tvas only a day's journey. 0 
"Before \ole returned," Ophelia Troup Dent remetr'bered, "the extinguishinr cap 
of defeat was on our heads, our pleasant things were all gone, and strangers in 
 
 76 
 
our homes. Large tracts of valuable lands passed a'r1ay for taxes, it was not surprising that in many instances two generations passed away in this wreck and ruin. " 21 
 
Burnette Vanstory recalls the local tradition of the return of the Troups and Dents: 
 
Matilda, eldest of the Troup daughters, felt a fierce pro- 
tective love for the river plantations of her grandparents. 
Faced with the almost insurmountable task of restorinr; order out of the chaos wrought ry war, Hatilda took everything into her inexperienced hands~   supervised the planting and harvest- 
ing, the repairing of sluice-gates, the clearing of ditches and canals. And gradually family, servant~~ and land responded to the indomitable courage of Natilda. 
 
Hrs. Dent's Memoirs substantiate this, for in them the author described her sis- 
 
ter Hatilda as "the head of the household at our mother's death; and if she ever 
 
fell short in her great responsibilities we never knew it.  .After the ruin of 
 
the Civil tvar she catl'l.e still more to the front, saving from the wreckage what she 
 
thought 
 
most 
 
valuable . 
 
 
 
1123 
 
 
But the rice coast could not recover from the effects of war. The cen- 
 
tral question concerned who, in fact, owned the land. In an order of January 
 
16, 1865, General Sherman had ordered that all islands south of Charleston and 
 
land thirty miles back from the seacoast down to the St. John's River in Florida 
be reserved for freed~en. 24 This order was substantiated in March when the 
 
Freedman's llureau Act declared all land which had been abandoned (which included 
 
all property owned by persons "absent aiding the rebellion") could be doled out to 
 
loyal freedmen and refugees; the refugees allowed to purchase not more than forty 
25 
acres for each person at the end of three years. The order was rescinded in 
 
October, but ten months had passed during 'r7hich time the former owners of most of 
 
. 
 
26 
 
the rice land in Georgia and South Carolina ~vere unable to claim their O'rm land. 
 
In addition, the occupation of Union troops had resulted in the destruction 27 
of most of the plantations, along with the hydraulic systems and machinery. 
 
"Dams and flood-gates, quarter drains and canals, mills, barns, and houses were 
 
either dilapidated or destroyed, and the power to compel the laborers to go into 
 
 78 
and introduced into the southwest in 1900 by the United States Department of Agriculture, the rice producers of this area were able to drive down prices to the extent that the east coast rice planters were soon driven out of business. 42 
Although rice was planted there as late as 1915, Hofwyl Plantation's wealth 
was of the past. The man whose unfortunate duty it was to preside over its decline was the next master of Hofwyl,"James Troup Dent. Described by Wylly as combining 
"all the personal and mental gifts that men and even women can desire: manliness, and gentleness; simplicity and polish of demeanor; generosity of hand and of thought,"43 James T. Dent headed a household which strove to retain something of the ante-bellum way of life: 
Here we find repeated .   ' the life, both mental, and physical, which once made Broadfield famous. Its large surroundings are suggestive of olden days, its owner contributed in his conversation the latest views of .the best thinkers and writers of the present age, leavened by a sound judgm~nt, that has not forgotten the work and glories of the past.. . " 4 
It was while James Dent was the owner of Hofwyl that possession was secured of all the former Brailsford-Troup river property with the exception of the lower part of New Hope plantation. It seems most likely that the acquisition may 
have occurred through the two mortgage foreclosures on Hofwyl and Broadfield which took place in the late 1800's. 
James Dent had married Miriam Cohen on November 30, 1880. 45 The daughter of Solomon Cohen, a prominent Savannah lawyer, 46 and descended from a line of prominent Charleston and Savannah busines~men, as well as the intelligent and 
beautiful Rebecca Gratz, allegedly the model for Sir Walter Scott's "Rebecca" in Ivanhoe, 47 the new Mrs. Dent proved to be an excellent manager. All property 
transactions took place in her name and, when in the midst of Reconstruction mortgages were foreclosed on both Broadfield and Hofwy1, 48 it was her successful efforts 
which managed to save the plantations. Hofwyl was returned to her ownership in 1885 49 and Broadfield in 1895. 50 
 
 79 
James Troup Dent was not without talents, as well. Of a scientific bent, like many of the ri.ce planters of South Carolina and Georgia, he was among the first to experiment with the connections between malaria and the anopheles mosquito. In 1903, Dent screened Hofwyl House and spent the summer there instead of moving his family to their summer home, the Parsonage on Carteret's Point, and the experiment proved successfu1. 51 The fireplace screens which he had made for the experiment are still in use at Hofwyl Plantation. 
Hofwyl and Broadfield remained the property of Mrs. Dent until her death in 1931. In her will, 52 she bequeathed one-third interest in her property to each of her daughters, Miriam and Ophelia, and a one-third interest for life only, to her son, Gratz. When Gratz. Dent died in 1936, his share of the property reverted to his sisters and Ophelia Dent became the sole owner of the Hofwyl-Broadfield plantations at her sister Miriam's death in 1953. 
Although substantial portions of the original Hofwyl and Broadfield plantations were conveyed in the twentieth century, at the time of her death in September of 1973, Ophelia Troup Dent was the owner of 1,268 acres of land. This property was left to the Georgia Historical Commission, now a part of the Georgia Department of Natural Resources. Formal acceptance of Hofwyl Plantation by the State of Georgia took place on November 20, 1974. 
 
 80 
 
FOOTNOTES The Dents 
 
1ophelia Troup Dent, Memoirs, unpublished, original manuscript located at Hofwyl Plantation; transcript in appendix, pages a75-a86. 
2Papers relating to the application of James Troup Dent for admission to the Sons of the Revolution organization, containing letters, family trees, etc.; located at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
3Dent, lac. cit. 
 
4Ibid. 
 
5Glynn County, Georgia Wills, Inventories, Appraisements Book~ (18441853), pp. 201, 202, 204, 249; microfilm reel 82/4, Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
 
6 Charles S. Wylly, Annals and Statistics of Glynn County, Georgia (Privately 
printed, 1896), p. 67. 
 
7 
 
. 
 
Dent, lac. cit. 
 
8Albert Virgil House,' "Labor Management Problems on Georgia Rice Plantations, 1840-1860," Agricultural History, XXVIII (1954), p. 150. 
 
9wylly, ~ cit., p. 20. 
10 Albert Virgil House, "The Deterioration of a Georgia Rice Plantation During 
Four Years of Civil War," Journal of Southern History, IX (1943), p. 102. quoting Charles Manigault. 
 
11 Dennis T. Lawson, "No Heir to Take its Place" (Georgetown, S~ C.: The 
Rice Museum, 1972), p. 22. 
 
12 House, "The Deterioration  ," p. 101. 
 
13Georgia Bryan Conrad, "Reminiscences of a Southern Woman," printed in the Southern Workman, 1901; published in pamphlet form by the Hampton Institute Press, Hampton, Virginia, n.d., p. 23. 
 
14Dent, 1 oc. .c~t. 
 
15Conrad, loc. cit. 
 
16 Ibid., pp. 23, 24 0 
 
17House, 
 
Th e D . . 11 
 
eter~orat~on. 
 
 
 
, II p. 
 
10 3  
 
 81 
 
18Ibid., p. 108. 
 
lY Ibid., pp. 98, 105, 106, 107. 
 
20 Conrad, 
 
.2. 
 
cit., 
 
p. 
 
25. 
 
21Dent, _1 c~. t. 
 
22 Burnette Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles (Athens: Univer- 
sity of Georgia Press, 1956), pp. 103-104. 
 
23 Dent, loc. cit. 
 
24 George 
 
C. 
 
Rogers, 
 
! 
 
History 
 
of 
 
Georgetown 
 
County, 
 
South 
 
Carolina 
 
(Columbia: 
 
University of South Carolina Press, 1970), p. 423; Oscar Zeichner, "The Transition 
 
from Slave to Free Labor in the Southern States," Agricultural History, XIII (19 39), 
 
p. 22; Paul Wallace Gates, Agric'Jlture and the Civil War (New York: Knopf, 1965), 
 
pp  363' 364  
 
25 Zeichner, . cit., p. 24. 
 
26 Ibid. 
 
27Willard Range, ! Century of Georgia Agriculture, 1850-1950 (Athens: Uni- 
versity of Georgia Press, 1954), p. 67; Bell I. Wiley, "Salient Changes in Southern 
Agriculture Since the Civil War," Agricultural History, XIII (1939), p. 66. 
 
28 Range, loc. cit., quoting the Annual Report of the Q~ Connnissioners o 
Agriculture (1871), p. 43. 
29 Frances Butler Simkins, "The Problems of South Carolina Agriculture after 
the Civil War," North Carolina Historical Review, VII (1930), pp. 61, 77. 
 
30Alber~ Virgil House, "A Reconstruction Share-Cropper Contract on a Georgia 
Rice Plantation," Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXV (1941), pp. 208-217, gives an excellent de~cription of the conditions which led to adoption of the share-cropper 
system, as well as the text of a contract; see also, Bell I Wiley, "Salient Changes.   , " p. 65. 
 
31 Frances Butler Simkins, "The Solution of Post-Bellum Agricultural Problems 
in South Carolina," North Carolina Historical Review, VII (1930), p. 202. 
32 Theodore D. Ravenel, "The Last Days of Rice Planting," in David Doar, 
Rice and Rice Planting _in the South Carolina Low Country (Charleston: The Charleston Museum, 1936), p. 46; Frances Butler Leigh gives the best account of post war conditions on the Altamaha in her Ten Years~~ Georgia Plantation (London, 1883), and mentions the employment of Irish laborers. 
 
33simkins, "The Problems.   , 11 p. 47. 
34 Alfred H. Stone, "The Cotton Factorage System of the Southern States," 
American Historical Review, XX (1915), p. 564; J. W. Leigh, Other Days (London, 1921)' p. 134. 
35 Rogers, 2. cit., p. 436. 
 
 82 
 
36Patrick Hues Mell, "lhe Conditions of Rice Culture in the South Since 1865," in val. VI of lhe South in the Building of the Nation (Richmond, Va.: The Southern Historical Publishing Society, 1909), p. 74. 
 
37 . 
 
. 
 
Range,.. cit., p. 109. 
 
38 
R,ogers, E. , .!!~ p. 488; Albert Virgil House, ed. , Planter Management 
and Capitalism in Ante-Bellum Georgia: The Journal of Hugh Fraser Grant, Ricegrower (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954), p. 4. 
 
39 Rogers, lac. cit. 
 
40 Ibid., pp. 239, 245; Duncan Clinch Heywa:d, Seed From Madagascar (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), pp. 239-245. 
 
41 Joseph Schafer, The Social History of American Agriculture (New York: 
Macmillan, 1936), p. 256. 
 
42 Mell, .2..2. cit., p. 75. 
43 Wylly, .2..2. cit., p. 68. 
44 Ibid., p. 17. 
45 The Dent Family Bible, located at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
46 
 
. 
 
Sidney Andrews, lhe South Since the War . (Boston, 1866), pp. 366, 367. 
 
47 Personal Papers at Hofwyl Plantation; see also Rollin G. Osterveis, Rebecca 
Gratz; !:_Study in Charm (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1935). 
 
48 Glynn County, Georgia Deed Books T (1879-1882), p. 73 (reel 82/37); CC (1888), p. 23 (reel 82/43);! (1884-1885)~ p. 485. 
49 Glynn County, Georgia Deed Booky (1885), p. 222; reel 82/39. 
50 . Glynn County, Georgia Deed Book NN (1895), p. 49, reel 82/50. 
 
51 Vanstory, .. cit., p. 104. 
 
52 Glynn 
 
County,  Georgia 
 
Will 
 
Book .!!. 
 
(1917-1933), 
 
p. 
 
201. 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
Credits: Family photographs and rice field photographs from the Hofwyl Plantation collection. Exterior photographs by Victoria R. Gunn and interior ones by Van Jones Martin in 1974 and 1975. 
 
 pl 
William Brailsford c. 1760 - 1810 
 
 p2 George Columbus Dent 
.. 1822 - 1R84 
 
 p3 
Miriam Gratz Cohen Dent ? - 1931 
 
 p4 
 
. : 1 ........... J 
 
~. ; r>~- .-' 
 
(. 
 
.. 
Ophelia Troup Dent, Gratz Dent, Miriam Gratz Dent - c. 1890 
 
 p5 
James Troup Dent, Miriam Cohen Dent, Miriam Gratz Dent, Ophelia Troup Dent 
Date unknm-Jn 
 
 p6 
Hofwyl Plantation 1.90lf 
 
 p7 
Main Drive Hofwyl Plar.lation 
 
 p8 
Side vie~,, Ho fwy 1 Howw 
 
 p9 
 
__ -.. ... -- - - - -. 
 
~- ---- 
 
---.. 
 
F'Lrst Fltwr (,Jindm..rs Il.lustrnt: n~~ p:.ul'.:h: for addi.t. ion;,]_ vent: tlution 
 
 plO 
.l~r=~ 1~1 
Hofwyl House 
Hear Vie~" 
 
 pll 
' 
.-::.1:" :.: 7 
1 '-=~_:1 - .. ..: :;;:;;.:..;; 
.- ... ._._.:;.:.,. :.-~- ...~.~.!'-:,,;: . 
. . ~- 
Hoiwyl Hous Front 
 
 p12 
 
 
 
1.. 
 
Side Vir_'\v House and Outbuild.i.np;s 
 
 p13 
Side View Hous.e and outbuildings 
 
 p14 
Rear Yard 
Servit~,ts' Ouarters 
 
 pl5 
 
<,-._ , _A.,"!\"' 
, ~-- , 'I ,..._ 
 
... ,. ., ~. 
 
Outbuildings tiarns and Pay Shed 
 
 p16 Ice l!,luse and Lc:!Undry Yard 
 
 ;i t ...".h'~"' "~' ~~f : 
:.i 
, "' 
,;,, 
 
 pl8 Main Hall 
 
 pl9 Parlor 
 
 p20 
: .~ . . 
, 
ffJ "'.l t:J 
ParloJ: 
 
 It 
I 
I 
____ ~ 
__..................~~ ..._ 
 
 p22 Downsta"lrs Bedroom 
 
 p2.3 
.. 'i 
Upstairs Hall 
 
 p24 
.r....... . , 'j  ' .,. 
Upstairs Bedroom South Corner 
 
 p25 
Upstairs Bedroom East Corner Rice Red 
 
 p26 
Rice Bed t~oti f Detail 
 
 , 
., - " ,; -~'}t ""J i.~ _,. . II 
 
p27 
 
Upstairs Bedroom Uorth Corner 
 
 p28 
 
.-' 
.t . 
,~ .....~ 
-~ 
~~~ ,\,: : ~.~~ . ..... ...!t.:'fl. / 
l' 
 
':' 
i. "' ", 
) f) 
": 
 
"~;\. . 
., 
':. 
'i,t f 
~ 
 
Small Second Floor Bedroom 
 
 p29 
Rice Fields 1975 
 
 p30 
Rice Field Workers Planting 
 
 p31 
Rice Field Horkers Date unknovm 
 
 p32 
 
,. :./ ., . . ~~:, ';~ ~ 
 
~-\>'?'.' :s.i.f.;,. , ':, .,. 
 
.. ' ~: 'j ~. 
.,., J! :.~:} 
 
. ,' 
, 
 
':;,\,'!,,,I 
 
~  
 
,., 
 
.. ' 
. ~ ~)..... 
; ...... ', 
 
. . . .. ~ 
.' 
 
' 
 
Rice Fields Harvest 
 
 p33 
Rice Harkers Threshing and \-Jinnowing 
 
  BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
A. Manuscripts and other unpublished materials 
 
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bl 
 
 b2 
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-- 
 
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--- 
 
-------- 
 
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 b6 
 
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-- 
 
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-- 
 
-- 
 
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-- 
 
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---~"""":"'-~ "Rice Crop in South Carolina in 1849." u.s. Patent Office 
 
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-- 
 
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 b7 
 
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-- 
 
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 b8 
 
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. 
 
- 
 
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--- 
 
 b9 
 
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- 
 
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 blO 
Thayer, Theodore, ed. "Nathaniel Pendleton's Short Account of the Sea Coast of Georgia in Respect to Agriculture, Shipbuilding, Navigation and the Timber Trade." Georgia Historical Quarterly, XLI (1957), 70-81. 
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I. llis tories and }1onop:raphs 
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~ Todays ~Yesterdays: A Story .2!, Brunswick ~ ~ 
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 bll 
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Gray, Lewis . c. History Ef Agriculture .f.!!~ Southern United States .!:.!?_ ~ 
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Phillips, Ulrich B. American Negro Slavery. Nel<' York: D. Appleton and Co., 1918. 
 
A History .f Transportation lE_ the Eastern Cotton ~ .!._ 
~ New York, 1908. 
 
Co., 1929. 
 
~ ~ Labor..!!!,.!!!!:, .2.!E, South. Boston: Little, Brown and 
 
Postell, Hilliam Dosite. .!.b!:. Health .f Slaves .2!! Southern Plantations. Baton 
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Prevost, Charlotte and Effie L. Hilder. Pawley's Island. Columbia, S.C.: 
The State Printing Co., 1972. 
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Range, Willard. ~Century E.f Georgia Agriculture, .!2Q-.!22.Q.. Athens: Univer- 
sity of Georgia Press, 1954. 
Rawick, George P. From Sundown.. Sunup; l l i Haking of~ Black Community. 
Vol. 1 of 1b.!:, American Slave; A Composite Autobiography. Hestport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Co., 1972. 
Rogers, George C. A History E.f Georgetown County, South Carolina. Columbia: 
University of South Carolina Press, 1970. 
Salley, Alexander s., Jr. ~Introduction .2.B!.!;. Culture .!!U. South Carolina. 
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Savage, Henry, Jr. The Santee. New York: Rinehart and Co., 1956. 
 
Scarborough, W.K. ~Overseer; Plantation Management JE~Q! South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1966. 
Schafer, Joseph. ~Social History !!f. American Agriculture. New York: The 
NacMillan Co., 1936. 
Schmidt, Louis Bernard and Earle Dudley Bernard. Readings ..!!!.lli Economic History .! American Agriculture. New York: The MacMillan Co., 1925. 
 
Sellers, Lelia. Charleston Business on the Eve of the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North C"ar'ollnaPr;, 1934. 
Shannon, Fred A. ~ Farmer's ~ Frontier: Agriculture, lJiQ-.!1!21. (Vol. 5 of~ Economic History .2. .!h!:, United States.) New York: Farrar and 
Rinehart, 1945. 
 
Smith, Alice Ravanel Hur.er. A Carolina Rice Plantation of the Fifties. Nev. York: 
 
H. Harrow and Co.~ 1936:- 
 
- 
 
-- 
 
Smythe, Augustin T., et al. ~ Carolina~ Country. New York: MacMillan, 
1931. 
 
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Stampp, Kenneth Milton. The Peculiar Institution: Slavery ..!!:, ~ Antebellum 
~ New York: Knopf, 1956. 
Stokes, Thomas L. The Savannah. New York: Rinehart and Co., 1951. 
Stoney, Samuel Gaillard. Plantations .2f ~Carolina~ Country. Charleston: 
Carolina Art Association, 1938. 
 
Thompson, Clara Mildred. Reconstruction~ Georgia, Economic, Social and 
Political: ..!2.-..!..!!. New York, 1915. 
 
Turner, Lorenzo. Africanisms ~!h! Gullah Dialect. Chicago, 1943. 
Vanstory, Burnette. Georgia's ~ .2f ~Golden Isles. Athens: University 
of Georgia Press, 1956. 
Wallace, David Duncan. 1..!!!;, .2f Henry Laurens ~.!. Sketch .2f !h! .b.!..!!. .f.~ 
Son. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1915. 
Wertenbaker, Thomas J. ..:!:h!:.lli South: ~ Founding E!. American Civilization. 
New York: Scribners, 1942. 
Hhite, George. Statistics E!. ~State of Georgia. Savannah, 1849. 
 
White, John and Ralph Willett. Slavery ~!h! American South. New York: Harper and Row, 1970. 
 
n. Wood, Peter 
 
Black Majority. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974. 
 
\-loodman, Harold D. , ed. Slavery ~ ili, Southern Economy: Sources ~ Readings. 
New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966. 
 
\.Joofter, T.J., Jr. Black Yeomanry. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1930. 
 
J. Bibliographies and Collections 
Boyd, William K. and Robert P. Brooks. ! E!. Selected Bibliography~ Syllabus 
~ History of ~ South, .,!1!!!-..!.!!Z... Athens, 1918. 
 
Candler, Allen D. and Lucien Lamar Knight, eds. The Colonial Records of the 
State ..21. Georgia. 39 vols. Atlanta, 1904-I9'I6. (in manuscript-;-vcis. 
20, 27-39 .) 
 
Carroll, Bartholemew R. Historical Collections of South Carolina. 2 vols. 
 
New York, 1836. 
 
-- 
 
Clark, Thomas D. Travels .!!!. i l l l l i South. 3 vols. Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1956-1959. 
 
Travels in the New South. 2 vols. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1956=!9597--- 
Coulter, E.M. Travels ,!ll i l l Confederate States: A. Bibliography. Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1948. 
 
 blS 
Edwards, Everett Eugene. A Bibliography of the History of Agriculture in the United States. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1930. 
Rowland, Arthur Ray. !=_Bibliography of the Writings on Georgia History. Archon Books, 1966. 
Schlebecker, John T. Bibliography of Books and Pamphlets on the History of Agriculture in the United States, 1607..,..1967. Santa Barbara, Calif.: American Bibliographical Center, 1969. 
Wymberley Jones DeRenne Georgia Library. Catalogue of the Wymberley Jones DeRenne Georgia Library at Wormsloe, Isle of Hope ~ Savannah, Georgia. 3 vols. Wormsloe, 1931. 
K. Special Thanks To 
Col. Claude A. Black, U.S. Army, Retired Rudolph Capers Frances Haynes William Haynes Mrs. D.A. Howard, Jr. Bessie Lewis Kent Moore Edward Reed Dr. Julia Floyd Smith the staff of the Charleston, South Carolina.Library Society the staff of the Georgia Department of Archives and History the staff of the Georgia Historical Society the staff of the Historic Preservation Section 
L. Photo Credits 
Family photographs and rice field photographs from the Hof~l Plantation collection. E:xterior photographs by Victoria Reeves Gunn. Interior photographs by Van Jones Martin. 
 
  TABLE OF CONTENTS Appendix 
 
A. Principal Land Records 
. . (1) Broughton Island.     
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . (2) Broadface - Broadfield.  . . . . . . . (3) New Hope.       
 
 al  a3 
.a7 
 
B. Plats and Maps 
. . . . . . (1) Henry Laurens' Grant, New Hope  
(2) Darby Pendergrass' Grant, Broadface  
 
 alO  all 
 
. . . (3) Lachlan Mcintosh's Grant, Broadface  
(4) The Altamaha River Corridor, 1847  . (5) Hofwyl, Broadfield, New Hope, 1869   
 
. . . . . . . . . al2   . . . . . . a13 
 al4(a) 
 
(6) Areas of each rice square       
 
  al4(b) 
 
(7) Tract deeded to the State of Georgia. 
 
 al5 
 
c. Selected Tax Digests  
 
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.al6 
 
D. Census Records  . . .  . . . . .  . .  . . . . . . . 
 
.a35 
 
E. 
 
Family (1) 
(2) 
(3) 
 
Trees Sources Charts. Kinship 
 
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Diagram 
 
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 a4 7  a48 
 a5,2 
 
F. Estate Records (1) Will of James M. Troup.         (2) Inventory and Appraisement of Estate of James M. Troup. 
(3) Accounts of Estate of James M. Troup.  (4) Division of Estate of James M. Troup .  (5) Statement of the Amounts received by the heirs of James 
M. Troup in Property and Money  
 
.a53  .a54 
.a58 . .al53 
.al58 
 
F. Uofwyl Plantation Furnishings. 
 
.al59 
 
G. Floor Plan - Hofwyl House.  
 
.al62 
 
R. Agriculture Census Records . . 
 
.al63 
 
I. Memoirs of Ophelia Troup Dent. 
 
~al70 
 
 PRINCIPAL LAND RECORDS BROUGHTON ISLAND 
 
4 July 1758 Georgia Grant Book A (1756-1758), p. 652. Office of the Surveyor General, State of Georgia 
 
English Crown Grant to Johnathan B;yan "that tract of land or Island called Broughton 
Island" situated "on the River Altamaha    760 acres whereof are Marsh and 140 acres thereof River Swamp bounded on all sides by the said River and the branches thereof.  " 
 
6 July 1758 Georgia Colonial Conveyance Book C-2 (1761-1766), pp. 632-633, 989-990, recorded 16 November 1761 Microfilm reel 40/19 
 
Johnathan Bryan to Lachlan Mcintosh &William Mcintosh Deed of exchange with 5 shillings consideration; 
Broughton Island and other land "including a small.  . island called Doboy." Transaction involves a trade of the above named property for 1,000 acres in Newport District granted to Lachlan and William Mcintosh. 
 
8 December 1763 Georgia Colonial Conveyance Book C-2 (1761-1766), pp. 990--992, recorded 26 July 1765 Microfilm reel 40/19 
 
Lachlan Mcintosh to Henry Laurens 5 shillings consideration for lease, ~4,500 for re- 
lease; Broughton Island, "l)rii1g arid being on the River Altamaha .bounded on all sides by the said River . and the branches thereof." 
 
2 December 1803 Liberty Co., Ga. Deed Book F (1804-1809~. 119, recorded 22 February 1806' Microfilm reel 30/17 
 
John Eliot, Administrator ot the Estate of Johnathan Fabian to William Brailsford 
An agreement in which Brailsford agrees "to take up certain bonds executed by the late Mr. Fabian" to Mr. James O'Hear of Charleston, Dr. Ramsay or Mr. Paul Hamilton, and '~onds in the hands of Mr. Bolton given to a Mr. Bunch with a small note given to Mr. Bolton by the said John Eliot as Administrator ofthe Estate    " the whole sum being $30,000. 
 
(chart continued on following page) 
 
900 acres 
900 acres (and an additional 100 acre tract north of the Altamaha) 900 acres 
2/3 Broughton Island. 
 
 Broughton Island Land Records (continued) 
 
10 March 1816 Charleston Co., S.C. Deed Book 0~8, pp. 106-107:--~rded 15 March 1816 
 
David Ramsay, Eleanor !!.b. Ramsay, Martha R.L. Ramsay Catherine H.L. Ramsay, Sabina! Ramsay & Dr. John Ramsay, guardian of James, Nathaniel and William Ramsay, minor children of the late Dr. David Ramsay, all children of the late David Ramsay and grandchildren of the late Henry Laurens to Maria Brailsford 
$23,130. 78 consideration; "being -that part assigned to the heirs of William Broughton (?) by a Resurvey (and) allotment made by order of the supreme cart (sic) of Mcintosh County in the State of Georgia in a division between the heirs of Brailsford and the heirs of (Thaiian?) the said heirs of Brailsford claiming under a contract made with David Ramsay which has since been set aside by the Court of Equity in South Carolina." 
 
James Troup died 26 April 1849; will dated 20 December 1847 recorded 8 May 1849, Glynn co.,. 
Ga. Wills, Inventories, !E.E.- 
raisements Book E, p. 135. Microfilm r""i'e1"82/4. Division of estate took place 22 April 
1858. Deed of Division recor- 
ded 19 March 1923, Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 3-P (1922~1923}, p. 7ss:-~opies of original locateq at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
Administrators of the Estate of James Troup (James Hamilton Couper and D.!!.~ Troup) to his heirs (Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup, J. Robert Troup, George and Ophelia Dent, Matilda B. Troup, Clelia Troup, and Charles Manigault Morris) 
six equal, undivided shares in Broughton Island 
 
1/3 Broughton Island 
900 acres 
 
 PRINCIPAL LAND RECORDS BROADFACE - BROADFIELD 
 
21 May 1763 South Carolina Grant Book XX (1763-1764), p. 105. Plat (not included) certified 18 April 1763. Microfilm reel 145/49 ALSO Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book ABEF (1787-1808)Ttranscribed). pp. 127-129, plat p. 130, no recording date. Microfilm reel 82/32 
 
English Crown Grant to Darby Pendergrass Land situated south of the Altamaha River, bound- 
ed east by land surveyed for Henry Laurens, west by lands surveyed for David Deas, north by the Altamaha River, and south by "vacant lands and part of the lands laid out for Henry Laurens and David Deas." 
 
28 November 1764 Charles ton Co. , S.C. Deed Book C-3, pp. ~ 711-716, recorded 13 March 1765. ALSO Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book ABEF (1787-1808~rans cribed), pp. 131-139,_ recorded 12 September 1794. Microfilm reel 82/32 
 
Darby Pendergrass to Henry Laurens 10 shillings consideration for lease, bl,OOO for 
release; land situated on the banks of the Altamaha River, bounded east by lands of Henry Laurens, west by lands of David Deas, south by vacant lands and lan.ds of Henry Laurens and David Deas, north by _the Altamaha River. 
 
9 October 1765 Charleston Co., S.C. Deed Book E-3, p. 136, recorded 14 October 1765, lease . dated 8 October 1765. ALSO Glynn _Co. , Ga. Deed Book 
ABEF (1787-1808) (transcribed), pp. 139-147, 
recorded 17 September 1794. Microfilm reel 82/32 
 
Henry Laurens to Lachlan Mcintosh 10 shillings consideration for lease, bl,OOO for 
release; originally land "laid out to and surveyed by Darby Pendergrass, 11 bounded west by David Deas' land, south by vacant land and Henry Laurens' land, north by David Deas' land and the Altamaha River. 
 
(chart continued on following page) 
 
1,200 acres 1,200 acres 1,200 acres 
 
 Broadface - Broadfield Land Records (continued) 
 
6 April 1773 Georgia Grant Book I (17701774), p. 951, registered 17 June 1773. Office of the Surveyor General, State of Georgia 
 
English Crown Grant to Lachlan Mcintosh Land situated in St. David's Parish "the quantity 
of surplus land contained in a tract purchased by the said Grantee of Henry Laurens, originally surveyed for and granted to the said Henry Laurens (?) for twelve hundred acres only." To total 1,500 acres. 
 
7 August 1786 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book CD (1765-1800) (transcribed)-,- 
P 25. Includes plat, p. 26t 
no recording date. Microfilm reel 82/33 
 
Governor and Executive Council [ Georgia to Lachlan Mcintosh 
Land situated in Glynn County, bounded southeast by New Hope Plantation, southwest by "said General Lachlan Mcintosh's land" and "on all other sides by the South Branch of the Altamaha River." 
 
15 October 1807 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book ABEF (1787-1808~r~ cribed), pp. 483-485, recorded 7 December 1807 Microfilm reel 82/32 
 
Henry Laurens Mcintosh to William Brailsford $5,000 consideration; lower third part of Broad- 
face Tract, "the whole having been originally granted to the late Honorable Henry Lawrence (sic), deceased, and by him in his life time sold and conveyed to the late Major General Lachlin (sic) Mcintosh, deceased, and by him in his lifetime sold and conveyed to the said Henry Laurens Mcintosh." 
 
(chart continued on following page) 
 
300 acres 1,025 acres 500 acres 
 
 Broadface - Broadfield Land Records (continued) 
 
James Troup died 26 April 1849; will dated 20 December 1847 recorded 8 May 1849, Glynn Co., Ga. Wills, Inventories, ~ raisements Book E, p. 135. Microfilm r~82/4. Division of estate took place 22 April 1858. Deed of Division recorded 19 March 1923, Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 3-P (1922-1923), p. 7ss;-~opies of original located at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
Administrators of the Estate of James Troup (James Hamilton Couper and Q.H.~. Troup) to his heirs (Matilda B. Troup, Clelia Troup and .{. Robert Troup 
Three equal, undivided shares in Broadfield Plan~ tation, of which 925 acres are upland, and 400 acres 
bottom swamp 
 
31 December 1879 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book T (1879-1882), p.~ ~r~ ded 16 January 1880 Microfilm reel 82/37 Original deed at Hofwyl Plantation 
 
Matilda ~ Troup and Clelia Key to George I Mills 
$10,000 mortgage on "that plantation known as Broadfield on the waters of the Altamaha River" consisting of their undivided 2/3 interest in 266 acres tide swamp or rice land and 900 acres pine land 
 
1,325 acres 1,166 acres 
 
7 February 1888 Glynn Co. , Ga. Deed Book CC (1888), p. 23, ~rded 7 February 1888 Microfilm reel 82/43 
 
William H. Berrie, sheriff to the Southern Bank of Georgia 
$4,200 bid on Broadfield Plantation "containing 262 acres of tide swamp or rice lands, bounded on the north by the lands of the heirs of Robert Troup and the Altamaha River, east by a canal, New Hope Creek and Hofwyl Plantation, south by the highlands of the estate of Matilda B. Troup and Clelia Key and west by a canal and Grantley Plantation. Also 900 acres of high or pine lands.  bounded north by the rice lands of the estate of Matilda B. Troup and C1elia Key, east by the pine lands of Hofwy1 Plantation, south by the pine lands of Evelyn Plantation and west by the pine lands of the Grant Estate." Levied in favor of George J. Mills. 
 
1,162 acres 
 
(ch.::lrt continued on following page) 
 
 Broadface - Broadfield Land Records (continued) 
 
29 March 1895 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book NN (1895), p. 49, recorded 6 April 1895 Microfilm reel 82/50 
24 July 1923 Glynn Co. , Ga. Deed Book 3-g (1923-1924), p. 469, recorded 10 August 1923 
Will probated 6 July 1931, recorded 29 July 1931, Glynn Co., Ga. 
li!.!! ~ H (1917-1923), 
p. 201 
1 October 1937 Glynn Co. , Ga. ~ Book 4-S (1928-1937), p. 683, ~orded 7 October 1937 
 
Southern Bank of Georgia to M.f.. Dent $7,000 consideration; 2/3 Broadfield Plantation, 
"having been divided off from the other 1/3 and containing 262 acres of tide, savannah or rice lands consisting of squares #1,2,3,4,5,6,7,13,14,&15, bounded north by the 1/3 portion consisting of the lands of the heirs of J. Robert Troup and by the Altamaha River, east by a canal, 
New Hope Creek and Hofwyl Plantation, south by the undivid~ ed highlands of Broadfield Plantation and west by the rice lands of Grantley Plantation. Also, an undivided 2/3 interest in 925 acres    high pine and swamp lands    boundednorth by rice lands of Broadfield Plantation, east by lands of Hofwyl and Evelyn Plantations, south by the pine lands of Evelyn Plantation and west by the pine lands of the Grant Estate 
 
1,187 acres 
 
Robert Troup, heir of J. Robert Troup to Miriam Cohen Dent 
All of a 1/3 undivided interest in Broadfield, excepting rice squares #8,9,10,11,&12 (consisting of 135 acres) 
Miriam c. ~ to her heirs (Gratz ~. Miriam G. Dent and 
Opfielia Demt) 1/3 undivided interest each in her landed estate, with 
the interest of Gratz Dent being a life estate, reverting to his sisters on his death 
 
Miriam & aphelia Dent to Jack Thigpen $17,000 consideration; all of Hofwyl and Broadfield 
Plantations located west of the Darien-Brunswick Canal 
 
780 acres 
 
 PRINCIPAL LAND RECORDS NEW HOPE 
 
18 May 1763 South Carolina Grant Book XX (1763-1764), p. 64. Microfilm 145/49. Plat certified 14 April 
1763, located Georgia Plat Book _, pp. 166 & 436 , - - 
Office of the Surveyor General, State of Georgia 
 
English Crown Grant to Henry Laurens Land situated south of the Altamaha River, bounded 
northeast by "the said River and Broughton's (sic) Island and on all other sides by vacant land." 
 
3,000 acres 
 
1 January 1829 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book H (1824-1837) (tr~ribed) :p. 212. Includes plat p. 213, recorded 6 June 1830. Microfilm reel 82/34 
 
Henry Laurens heirs (Dr. James Ramsay, Eleanor H.L. 
Ramsay, Martha H.L. Ramsay, Catherine H.L. Ramsay, 
Nathaniel Ramsay, William Ramsay, Henry .!! Pinckney 
and Sabina, his wife) to John G. Bell $5,000 consideration; refers to plat for descrip- 
tion, mortgage satisfied 19 July 1845 
 
3,000 acres 
 
~------------------------~----~----------------------------~-----------------------------+-------------------- 
 
12 February 1840 original deed located at Hofwyl Plantation 
 
Administrators of the Estate of John G. Bell (J.T. Green, J.F. Green and Hugh Fraser Grant) to James Troup 
$8,666 and 2/3 of a dollar consideration; New Hope Plantation, bounded north by the south Altamaha River and west by Broadfield, owned by James Troup and lands formerly owned by Robert Baily, John De as 
and David Deas 
 
3,000 acres 
 
(chart continued on following page) 
 
 New Hope Land Records (continued) 
 
James Troup died 26 April 1849; will dated 20 December 1847 recorded 8 May 1849, Glynn Co. , Ga. Wills, Inventories, ~ raisements Book E, p. 135. Microfilm r~8Z/4. Division of estate took place 22 April 1858. Deed of Division recor- 
ded 19 March 1923, Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 3-P (1922-1923), p. isS,--t;ocopies of original located at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
Administrators of the Estate of James Troup (James Hamilton Couper and Q~! Troup) to his heirs 
(A.) George and Ophelia Dent West New Hope (became Hofwyl Plantation) consisting of 925 acres of upland and 300 acres of river swamp 
(B.) Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup East New Hope, consisting of 925 acres of upland and 370 acres of river swamp and bay lands 
 
19 December 1859 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book N, (1859-1869) (transcribed)~ p. 124, recorded 20 December 1859 Microfilm reel 82/36 
 
George C. Dent to l Pinckney Huger $800 consideration; "part or land allotted to 
George C. Dent in a deed of partition between the heirs 
of the late Dr. James Troup, bounded north by the lands of J. Robert Troup and sisters, south by Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup, east by the Brunswick canal.  " 
 
1,225 acres 1,295 acres 
400 acres 
 
3 February 1885 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book X, (1884-1885)' p. 485.--recorded 12 February 1885 Microfilm reel 82/39. 
 
~Villiam ~ Berrie, sheriff to William Gourdin Young, as trustee of Joanna Carolina Roper 
$500 bid; Hofwyl Plantation, of which 295 acres are rice lands and under bank and 450 acres are pine lands, bounded north by the Altarnaha River, east by New Hope Plantation and west by Broadfield Plantation 
 
745 acres 
 
31 March 1885 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book Y (1885), p. 22z:-Tecorded 9 May 1885 Microfilm reel 82/39 
 
II William Gourdin Young, trustee of Joanna Carolina Roper to Miriam C. Dent 
I $5,200 consideration; Hofwyl Plantation, of which 295 acres are rice lands and under bank and 450 acres are 
1 pine lands, bounded north by the Altarnaha River, east by j New Hope Plantation and west by Broadfield Plantation 
 
745 acres 
 
~---(-c-h--a-rt -c-o--n-ti-n-u-e--d--o-n--f-o-l-lo-w--i-n-g-~p'a-g-e-)-----------------------------------------------------------L---------- 
 
  New Hope Land Records (continued) 
 
31 January 1898 
Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book TT (1900-1901), pp:-IOl-102,recorded 12 December 1900 Microfilm reel 83/12 
 
J. N. Walker to R. T. Clark $2,000 consideration; "New Hope Rice Plantation" 
formerly owned by "Dr. H. B. Troup, deceased," bounded north by the Altamaha River and east by Gordon's Plantation (Needwood) 
 
1;250 acres 
 
14 March 1904 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 
ww (1904-1905),~1~ 
recorded 18 July 1904 Microfilm reel 83/9 
23 May 1923 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 
1:;,g, ( 192 3-192 4)-:-p:- 188 , 
recorded 24 May 1923 
Will probated 6 July 1931, recorded 29 July 1931, Glynn Co., Ga. 
.li!ll Book H (1917-1933), 
p. 201 
1 October 1937 Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 4-S (1928-1937)-:-p:-6~ recorded 7 Octobe r 193'7 
 
Miriam .. Dent to ~! Dubberlx $1.00 and "for the -further consideration of the 
mutual profits and benefits to be derived by each of the said parties . "; "The Island" of Hofwyl Plantation, bounded south and southwest by New Hope Plantation (the lands of J.E. Dubberly, northeast by the Altamaha River and north and northwest by Bell Creek. 
 
152 acres 
 
Miriam Dent, aphelia Dent, and Gratz Dent to Mrs. Miriam C. Dent 
$5.00 consideration; all their interest in Hofwyl Plantation as the heirs at law of James T. Dent 
 
745 acres 
 
Miriam c. Dent to her heirs (Gratz Dent, Miriam G. Dent and 
Ophelia Dent   
1/3 undivided interest each in her landed estate, with the interest of Gratz Dent being a life estate, reverting 
to his sisters on his death. 
 
Miriam & Ophelia Dent to Jack Thigpen $17,000 consideration; all of Hofwyl and Broadfield 
Plantations located we~_t of the Darien-Brunswick Canal 
 
780 acres 
 
17 May 1955 
 
Ophelia~ to Harry Liles and Alice Virginia Calahan~ 
 
Glynn Co., Ga. Deed Book 
 
$10 consideration; bounded northeast by the South 
 
7-T (1955), p. 53, re- 
 
Branch of the Altamaha River, southeast by lands of New 
 
C0 r ,~t~d 17 Hay 195.5 
 
Hope Plantation, west by a portion of New Hope Creek, north 
 
L_- 
 
I northwest by Hofwyl Plantation 
 
l --- ----- -----''-- -- - --- --------- --~- 
 
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 alO 
 
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New Hope Plat John G. Bell no date 
Glynn County, Georgia Deed Book H (1824-1837) 
Page 213 
 
 all 
 
Br o8dface Plat Darby Pendergrass 
no date Glynn County, Georgia ~ ~ ~ (1787-1808) 
Page 130 
 
f. 
 
"7"7 "~.:-'~./" 
 
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Broadface Plat Lachlan Mcintosh 
no date Glynn County, Georgia ~ Book _Q (1765-1800) 
Page 25 
 
 al3 
Altamaha River Corridor 1847 
Frcm a map of Georgia by William G. Bonner 
located in the Surveyor General's Office Georgia Department of Archives and History 
 
 +- 
.,~'., .' ~ 
' 
 
. : 
estate Peirce,? 
' ' 
, i 
.. . 
! 
 
 al4(b) 
 
AREAS OF EACH RICE SQUARE* 
 
Broadfield 
 
Hofwyl 
 
Number 1 Number 2 Number 3 Number 4 Number 5 Number 6 Number 7 Number 8 Number 9 Number 10 Numb~r 11 Number 12 Number 13 Number 15 
 
10 acres 22 acres 36 acres 4 7 acres 53 acres 22 3/4 acres 17 acres 24 1/4 acres 30 acres 28 acres 27 1/4 acres 31 1/2 acres 18 1/4 acres 15 acres 394 1/2 acres 
 
East number 1 W~st number 1 East Sand Square West Sand Square East John Adams West John Adams Cane Square Sugar Mill Square Buzzard Square 
 
4 acres 8 1/4 acres 16 acres 14 acres 14 acres 16 acres 14 3/4 acres 18 acres 17 acres 127 acres 
 
Island 
 
3 acre slight Point New Ground Sawyer Creek Walley Leg Bridge Square Step Landing 10 acre slight 
 
3 acres 36 acres 39 acres 23 acres 21 acres 18 acres 10 acres 140 acres 
 
Broadfield 'Hofwyl 
Total Less Negro Settlement 
[Peters ville] 
 
TOTAL ACERAGES 
 
Pine 
 
Rice 
 
925 473 
1, 398 
 
394 1/2 267 
661 1/2 
 
140 acres 1,235 acres 
 
Total 
1,319 1/2 acres 740 acres 
2,059 1/2 acres 
 
*From a map located at Hofwyl Plantation; supposed to have been surveyed and drawn by Gratz Dent. 
 
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T.ract deeded to 
 
.: . . The State of Georgia 
 
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 al6 
 
SELECTED TAX DIGESTS* 
Mcintosh County, Georgia Glynn County, Georgia 
 
1825 1837 1874 
 
Mcintosh County, 27lst District James Troup 
 
Item 
 
2,000 acres inland swamp (2nd quality) 15 acres pineland, within (?) 3 miles (?) Town property 1 (4 wheel?); 1 (2 wheel?) carriage 37 - polls on free white males over 21 and 
taxes on slaves 
 
Total tax 
 
Mcintosh County, 21st District James Troup 
 
Item 
 
2,000 acres inland swamp (3rd quality) 
 
15 acres pineland, throughout 
 
Town property 
 
2 Lottery (?) ( 
 
) tracts 
 
80 acres oak and hickory land (2nd quality) 
 
1 (4 wheel?); 1 (2 wheel?) carriage 
 
166 - polls on free white males over 21 and 
 
taxes on slaves 
 
Total tax 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
George f. Dent 
 
Item 
 
155 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
except annual crops, provisions, etc. 
 
Mrs. J. Dent 
Item 
Number of shares of any Bank in this State Household and kitchen furniture 
 
Valued At 
$ 4,000 
$ 53.65 2 1/2 mils 
Valued At 
$ 4,000 
$ 39.33 2 1/2 mils 
Valued At $ 3,100 125 25 75 500 $ 3,825 
Valued At $ 250 25 $ 275 
 
 al7 
 
1874 (continued) 
 
Miss Matilda ! Troup 
Item 
164 (?) acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
except annual crops, provisions, etc. 
Miss Matilda! Troup, Administratrix (?) 
Item 
231 acres of land Iron works, foundries, etc. Household and kitchen furniture Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
except annual crops, provisions, etc. 
Estate, Robert Troup 
Item 
138 acres of land Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
except annual crops, provisions, etc. 
 
1876 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
George f Dent 
Item 
300 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, etc. Plantation and mechanical tools 
27 hands employed 
Miss Matilda ! Troup 
Item 
138 acres of land 
 
Valued At $ 3,100 125 50 75 525 $ 3,875 
Valued At $ 5 '775 75 50 45 450 $ 6,395 
Valued At $ 1,380 45 500 $ 1,925 
Valued At $ 5,000 75 500 35 $ 5,610 
Valued At $ 3,450 
 
 al8 
 
1876 (continued) 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Household and kitchen furniture Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, etc. Plantation and mechanical tools 
12 hands employed 
Miss Matilda .!! Troup, for Mrs  .:!. R. Troup 
 
$ 100 300 175 
$ 4 '025 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
56 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, etc. Plantation and mechanical tools 
 
$ 1,600 200 100 
$ 1,900 
 
Miss Matilda .!! Troup, for ... Key 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
126 acres of land Horse$, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, etc. 
12 hands employed 
 
$ 3,150 200 
$ 3,350 
 
Estate, Daniel H~J! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
300 acres of land Plantation and mechanical tools 
18 hands employed 
 
$ 7,000 100 
$ 7,100 
 
1877 
 
Glynn County, 26th District George _. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
160 (?) acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all 
kind, worn by owner or not Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. All other property not before numerated 
 
$ 4,000 (entry misplaced) 
50 
50 
300 
50 100 $ 4,550 
 
Total amount of taxes: $34.12 
 
 al9 
 
1877 (continued) 
 
Miss Matilda ! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
60 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kind, 
worn by owner or not Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. All other property not before enumerated 
12 hands employed Total amount of taxes: $18.75 
 
$ 1.5oo 
50 
500 
225 
25 200 $ 2,500 
 
Miss Matilda! Troup, Agent for Mrs  .:!_.R. Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
50 acres of land Horses, mules. hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. All other property not before enumerated 
Total amount of taxes: $11.25 
 
$ 1,250 
150 
25 75 $ 1,500 
 
Miss Matilda! Troup, Agent for~ M. Key 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
60 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. 
Total amount of taxes: $13.13 
 
$ 1,500 
225 
25 $ 1,750 
 
Mis~ Matilda! Troup, Agent for Estate of D. H. B. Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
190 .acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. 
 
$5,000 480 100 
 
 a20 
 
1877 (continued) 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
All other property not before enumerated 
9 hands employed Total amount of taxes: $42.60 
 
$ 100 $ 5,680 
 
1880 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
Q~.f. Dent, Sr. 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
280 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kind 
worn by owner or not Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. 
All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 8,400 150 
125 
100 
725 
300 305 $10,105 
 
Miss !!.!! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
113 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
library books, pictures, etc. 
 
$ 3,390 250 
100 
716 
300 $ 4,756 
 
J. ! Troup, Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
75 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
 
$ 2,250 
400 $ 2,650 
 
Mrs. ~ Key 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
112 acres of land 
 
$ 3,360 $ 3,360 
 
 a21 
 
1880 (continued) 
 
Daniel ~ Troup Estate, Jno.!. Nightingale, Agt. 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
250 acres of land 
 
$ 7,000 $ 7,000 
 
1882 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
G. f Dent, Trustee 
Item 
225 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
 
Valued At 
$ 6,750 
325 
750 $ 7,825 
 
-James Dent 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, organs, etc. 
~ !!! Troup 
-Item 
120 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Horses, m~es, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
Mrs. Clelia Key 
 
$ 55 $ 55 
Valued At $ 3,600 150 200 1 1200 $ 5,150 
 
Item 136 acres of land 
J. R. Troup, Estate Item 
135 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
 
Valued At $ 4,000 $ 4,000 
Valued At $ 4,050 240 $ 4,290 
 
 a22 
 
~ (continued) 
F. ~ Troup 
Item 
120 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock All other property not before enumerated 
 
Valued At 
$ 3,600 
200 100 $ 3,900 
 
1885 
 
Glynn County, 26th District James T. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos; 
 
organs, etc. 
 
$ 50 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinds 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
15 
 
$ 65 
 
Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
250 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
 
$ 5,000 
150 
200 $ 5,350 
 
James Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos 
 
organs, etc. 
 
$ 35 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinda 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
15 
 
Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
 
other stock 
 
35 
 
Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other 
 
library books, pictures, etc. 
 
40 
 
$ 125 
 
3 hands employed 
 
Brailsford Dent 
Item 
Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all other stock 
 
Valued At 
$ 175 $ 175 
 
 a23 
 
1885 (continued) 
 
1887 
 
Clelia I! Key 
Item 136 acres of land 
 
Valued At 
$ 2,720 $ 2,720 
 
Matilda ! Troup 
Item 
120 acres of land Ho-uieh-oid and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock 
 
Valued At $ 2,400 
$ 200 1,000 
$ 3,600 
 
J. R. ~roup, Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
391 acres of land 
 
$ 2,633 $ 2,633 
 
Frazer (sic) Grant Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Amount of money and solvent debts of all kinds, including notes, accounts, etc. 
 
$ 300 $ 300 
 
Glynn County, 26th District James T. Dent 
 
8 hands employed 
 
Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
200 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinda - 
worn by owner or not 
B. F. Dent (?) 
 
$ 3,000 
150 
300 $ 3,450 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kind, 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
$ 50 
 
 a24 
 
1887 (continued) 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all other stock 
Mrs. Clelia Key 
 
150 $ 200 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
130 acres of land All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 1,950 
50 $ 2,000 
 
Miss ~ ! Troup, Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
130 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. 
 
$ ' 1~950 
100 $ 2,050 
 
Mrs. Mary ! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
125 acres of land City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, etc. 
 
$ 1,250 2,400 
150 $ 3,800 
 
F. _. Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinds 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
$ 50 
 
All other property not before enumerated 
 
25 
 
$ 75 
 
1888 
 
Glynn County, 26th District James Dent and wife 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kin<S worn by owner or not 
Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, and all other stock 
 
$ 430 
40 
15 
10 $ 495 
 
 a25 
 
1~88 -~-~~_;_!!l~ed) 
Mrs. M;C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
300 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures. etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools 
30 hands employed 
 
$ 3,000 
175 
$ 1,050 370 
$ 4,595 
 
Mrs. ~ ! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
125 acres of land City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
 
$ 1,250 2,575 
200 $ 4,025 
 
1889 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
 
- - - - Mrs. w. c. Dent (sic) 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
200 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 3,000 
75 
1,070 285 150 
$ 4,580 (sic) 
 
Brailsford D. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
 
$ 75 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinda, 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
40 
 
$ 115 
 
Mrs. :!_. ! Troup 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinds 
worn by owner or not 
 
$ 3,000 
200 
75 $ 3,275 
 
 a26 
 
1890 1891 
 
Glynn County, 26th District Mrs. M.C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
660 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, and all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enume~aled 
 
$ 7,520 
75 
1,450 285 150 
$ 9,480 
 
James T. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinds 
worn by owner or not Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all 
other stock All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 1,500 
170 
10 
10 50 $ 1,440 (sic) 
 
Glynn County, 26th District Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
700 acres of land Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
 
$.' 8,400 
170 
1, 775 625 400 
$11,370 
 
James Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs ..___!!~!~~~es, p_ictures, -~tc. 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kiDde 
worn by owner or not Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock 
 
$ 1,750 150 
$ 15 15 
$ 1,930 
 
 a27 
 
l!2,! (continued) 
!.:!. ~. Administrator (?) 
 
ll!! 
15 acres of land 
 
1894 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
 
Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
Valued At 
$ 75 $ 75 
 
ltea 
 
Valued At 
 
750 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock 
Plantation and mechanical tools A.J,.l .,othel' pr(}Jierty .not before enumerated 
 
$ 7,500 
5 
275 
1,681 375 
.-_6op_. 
$10,436 
 
J. T. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kinds 
 
worn by owner or not 
 
$ 10 
 
$ 10 
 
James Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock 
 
$ 1,200 
90 
50 $ 1,340 
 
1897 
 
Glynn County, 26th District Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
750 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock Plantation and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 7,500 35 
325 
1,610 1,000 
30 $10,500 
 
 a28 
 
1897 (continued) Mrs. Ophelia Dent Item 35 acres of land 
 
James Dent 
Item 
City or town property Household and kitehen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock Carriages, wagons, and buggies, plantation 
and mechanical tools 
 
1898 
 
Glynn County, 26th District Mrs. M. C. Dent 
Item 
750 acres of land Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household audi<kitchen furniture, pianos 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all 
other stock Carriages, wagons, and buggies, plantation 
and mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
Ophelia Dent 
Item 
35 acres of land 
 
James Dent 
Item 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Carriagel, wa&Qnllc.ancl.. buaaiea  _plantation 
and meehanieal tools 
 
Valued At $ 350 $ 350 
Valued At $ 1,100 75 40 10 $ 1,225 
Valued At $ 7,500 35 325 2,110 1,000 30 $11,000 
Valued At $ 350 $ 350 
Valued At $ 950 40 10 $ 1,000 
 
 a29 
 
1898 (continued) 
 
F. G. Troup, Agent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
5 acres of land 
 
~ 115 $ 115 
 
1906 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
 
- - M. C. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
750 acres Capital invested in shipping and tonnage Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all other 
stock Carriages, wagons and buggies, plantation and 
mechanical tools All other property not before enumerated 
 
$ 2,500 150 
350 
1,275 
775 30 
$ 5,080 
 
Mrs. Ophelia Dent, Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
35 acres of land 
 
$ 350 $ 350 
 
James Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
 
$ 625 
100 $ 725 
 
1908 Glynn County, 26th District 
Mrs. M. c. Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
900 acres of land 
 
Capital invested in shipping and tonnage 
 
Merchandise of every kind, including freights, 
 
commercial fixtures 
 
' 
 
Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all other 
 
stock 
 
Carriages, wagons and buggies, plantation and 
 
mechanical tools 
 
$ 9,000 200 
250 
1,682 
1,000 $12,132 
 
 a30 
 
1908 (continued) 
 
Mrs. Q Dent, Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
1912' 
 
22 acres of land 
- James Dent 
-Item 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs.librariu. pictut'es, etc. 
Glynn County, 26th District Mrs. M. C. Dent 
 
$ 300 $ 300 
Valued At 
$ 625 100 
$ 725 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
700 acres of land Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, all other 
stock 
 
$ 7,500 
1,000 $ 8,500 
 
James Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
James Dent & Son 
 
$ 625 
100 $ 725 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Cap,ital invested in shipping and tonnage Iron works, foundries, etc. 
Mrs. o. Dent, Estate 
 
$ 100 200 
$ 300 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
28 acres of land 
 
$ 300 $ 300 
 
Gratz Dent 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
Automobiles and bicycles, owned by yourself, wife or children 
 
$ 300 $ 300 
 
 a31 
 
1915 
 
Glynn County, 26th District M. C. Dent 
Item 
3 acres of land 
 
Valued At 
$ 15 $ 15 
 
M. C. Dent Item 
400 acres of land 
 
Valued At 
$ 8,300 $ 8,300 
 
!!!!. !!.. l2!!!.t 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
250 acres of land Amount of money and debts of all kinds, 
including notes, accounts, judgements and Fi. Fas. of all sorts Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, organs, libraries, pictures, etc. Watches, silverplate and jewelry of all kins Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle and all other stock Dogs pwned by self 6r family Carriages, wagons, buggies, plantation and mechanical tools 
Mrs. George f Dent, Estate 
 
$ 5,000 
450 
350 20 
1, 718 10 
600 $ 8,148 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
23 acres of land 
James Dent, Estate Item 
 
$ 350 $ 350 
Valued At 
 
City or town property Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, 
organs, libraries, pictures, etc. 
James Dent & Son 
 
$ 625 
100 $ 725 
 
Item Iron works, foundries and etc. 
 
Valued At 
$ 300 $ 300 
 
 a32 
 
.!2.!1 (continued) 
 
.illl 
 
Gratz~ 
 
~ 
 
Valued At 
 
1 acre of land, including the buildings 
 
thereon 
 
$ 10 
 
Amount of money and debts of all kinds, 
 
including notes, accounts, judgements 
 
and Fi. Fas. of all sorts 
 
20 
 
Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles owned 
 
by yourself, wife or children 
 
75 
 
Cotton and other textile manufacturies 
 
25 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, pianos, organs, 
 
libraries, pictures, etc. 
 
10 
 
Dogs owned by self or family 
 
5 
 
$ 145 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
~ !1 .. ~ 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
1,900 acres of land, including the buildings 
 
thereon 
 
$11,000 
 
Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles owned 
 
by self, wife, child or children 
 
150 
 
Household and kitchen furntiure, silver, books, 
 
pianos, clocks, bedding, etc. 
 
300 
 
Jewelry and watches, whether owned by self, 
 
wife or minor children 
 
50 
 
Horses, mules, asses (4) 
 
235 
 
Cattle (100 or 160) 
 
2,000 
 
Sheep and goats (20) 
 
40 
 
Carriages, wagons, buggies, gins, thrashers, 
 
presses, agricultural tools, implements 
 
150 
 
$13,925 
 
James ~. Estate 
 
.lli!! 
 
Valued At 
 
City or town property 
 
$ 625 
 
Household and kitchen furntiure, silver, books, 
 
pianos, clocks, bedding, etc. 
 
100 
 
$ 725 
 
Gratz~ 
 
ll!!!! 
1 acre of land 
 
Valued At 
 
$ 
 
3 
 
$ 
 
3 
 
 a33 
 
l2E. 
~ 
.!2Ji .!ill. 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
1:! .f.. .!2!:!!!,, Es tate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
1,900 acres of land 
 
$ 8,941 
 
Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles 
 
owned by self, wife, child or children 
 
200 
 
Household and kitchen furniture, silver, books, 
 
pianos, clocks, bedding, etc. 
 
300 
 
Jewelry and watches, whether owned by self, 
 
wife or minor children 
 
50 
 
Horses, mules, asses (1) 
 
45 
 
Cattle (50) 
 
1,650 
 
Sheep and goats (20) 
 
20 
 
$11,206 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
1:! .f. Jl!!!! Estate 
 
-Item 
1,300 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles and bi.cycles Household and kitchen furniture Horses, mules, asses, cattle, sheep, goats, 
hogs and dogs 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead-Exemption: Net tax for all purposes: 
 
Valued At 
$ 4,975 460 300 
1 1096 $ 6,831 
300 2 1 000 $ 4,531 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
!! .f. ~ Estate 
 
-Item 
1,225 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles Household and kitchen furniture Horses, mules, asses, cattle, sheep, goats, 
hogs and dogs 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead Exemption: Net tax for all purposes: 
 
V!.!!!,ed At 
$ 4,939 350 300 
1 1096 $ 6,685 
300 2 1000 $ 4,385 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
!! .f. .!!!!!! Estate 
 
Item 
 
Valued At 
 
1,217 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles 
 
$ 4,939 350 
 
 a34 
 
.!2.i2, (continued) 
 
-Item 
Household and kitchen furniture 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead Exemption: 
Net taxable for all purposes: 
 
Valued At 
$ 300 $ 5,589 
300 . 2,000 $. 3;289 
 
ill.! 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
M. f ~. Estate 
 
-Item 
1,157 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles and bicycles Household and kitchen furniture 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead Exemption: 
Net taxable for all purposes: 
 
Valued At 
$ 5,815 1,225 300 
$ 7,340 300 
2 1000 $ 5,040 
 
.!2Q 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
!! f ~ 
 
~ 
 
Valued At 
 
1,062 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles, bicycles Livestock, Household and kitchen furniture, 
jewelry 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead Ei~forn 
Net taxable for all purposes: 
 
$12,085 280 
300 $12,665 
300 2,000 $10,365 
 
.llii 
 
Glynn County, 26th District 
Ophelia 1:!!!!! 
 
-Item 
1,247 1/2 acres of land Automobiles, motorcycles, bicycles Livestock, Household and kitchen furniture, 
jewelry 
Less Personal Property Exemption: Less Homestead Exemption: 
Net taxable for all purposes: 
 
V8l.ued At 
$22,350 350 
300 $23,000 
300 2,000 $20,700 
 
*With the exception of the Mcintosh County tax digests for the years 1825 and 1837, and the 1960 Glynn County tax digest, which have been microfilmed from county records, these citations are compiled from the bound volumes of 
the State Department of Revenue tax digests. Both the original volumes and the microfilm are located at the Georgia Department of Archives and History. 
 
 a35 
UNITED STATES CENSUS RECORDS* (182Q-1880) 
 
1820 Georgia, Mcintosh County 
Georgia, Glynn County 
-1830 
Georgia, Mcintosh County 22nd district 
 
James Troup 
 
White Males 
 
- 1 - aged 16-26 1 - aged 26-45 
 
White Females 
 
- 3 - aged under 10 1 - aged 16-26 1 - aged 26-45 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged under 14 3 - aged 14-26 2 - aged 45 and upwards 
 
Female Slaves - 3 - aged under 14 3 - aged 14-26 
 
1 person engaged in agriculture 
 
No Brailsford& 
 
No Troups 
 
No Brailsford& 
 
D. H. Brailsford 
 
White Males 
 
- 1 - aged under 5 1 - aged 3Q-40 
 
White Females 
 
- 1 - a~ed 5-10 2 - aged 30-40 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 9 - aged under 10 21 - aged lQ-24 16 - aged 24-36 6 - aged 36-55 8 - aged 55-100 
 
Female Slaves 
 
-12 - aged under 10 18 - aged lQ-24 11 - aged 24-36 9 - aged 36-55 6 - aged 55-100 
 
 a36 
 
u.s. Census Records 
(continued) 
 
Township of Darien Georgia, Glynn County 
 
James Troup 
 
White Males 
 
- 1 - aged 5-10 1 - aged 40-50 
 
White Females 
 
- 2 - aged under 5 1 - aged 10-15 1 - aged 15-20 1 - aged 3D-40 1 - aged 40-50 1 - aged 6Q-70 
 
Male Slaves 
 
-10 - aged under 10 7 - aged lQ-24 
11 - aged 24-36 5 - aged 36-55 1 - aged 55-100 
 
Female Slaves 
 
-11 - aged under 10 8 - aged lQ-24 8 - aged 24-36 3 - aged 36-55 2 - aged 55-100 
 
Daniel H. Brailsford 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 6 - aged under 10 8 - aged lD-24 2 - aged 24-36 8 - aged 36-55 2 - aged 55-100 
 
Female Slaves 
 
-11 - aged under 10 6 - aged 10-24 8 - aged 24-36 3 - aged 36-55 5 - aged 55-100 
 
James Troup & Mrs. Brailsford 
 
White Males 
 
- 1 - aged 3Q-40 
 
Male Slaves 
 
-15 - aged under 10 11 - aged lD-24 10 - aged 24-36 12 - aged 36-55 4 - aged 55-100 
 
 a37 
 
u.s. Census Records 
(continued) 
 
1840 Georgia, Mcintosh County 27lst district 
Georgia, Glynn County 1850 Georgia, Mcintosh County City of Darien Family number 283 
 
Female Slaves 
 
-13 - aged under 10 10 - aged 10-24 13 - aged 24-36 13 - aged 36-55 5 - aged 55-100 
 
James Troup 
 
White Males 
 
- 1 - aged under 10 1 - aged 15-20 1 - aged 5Q-60 
 
White Females 
 
- 1 - aged 5-10 2 - aged 15-20 1 - aged 2Q-30 1 - aged 4Q-50 
 
Male Slaves 
 
-12 - aged under 10 15 - aged lQ-24 5 - aged 24-36 4 - aged 36-55 5 - aged 55-100 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 4 - aged under 10 13 - aged lQ-24 6 - aged 24-36 5 - aged 36-55 5 - aged 55-100 
 
74 persons employed in agriculture; 1 learned profession 
 
No BraUsfords 
 
No Troups 
 
No Brailsfords 
 
George c. Dent 
Male, aged 28, born South Carolina Planter; value of real estate - $25,000 
Ophelia Dent - Female, aged 22, born Georgia 
James T. Dent - Male, aged 2, born Georgia 
 
 U.S. Census Records (continued) 
Georgia, Glynri County Family number 142 
 
a38 
 
George Dent - Male, aged 12, born Georgia 
 
Ann C. Dent - Female, aged 50, born South Carolina 
 
Emm(?) Dent - Female, aged 32, born South Carolina 
 
Catherine Dent - Female, aged 29, born South Carolina 
 
No Troups 
 
D. 1. B. Troup 
 
Male, aged 25, born Georgia Physician; value of real estate- $97,700 
 
M. B. Troup - Female, aged 30, born Georgia 
 
Clelia Troup - Female, aged 22, born Georgia 
 
Hannah Troup - Female, aged 20, born Georgia 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 80 4 - aged 70 1 - aged 65 3 - aged 60 1 - aged 56 4 - aged 55 8 - aged 50 7 - aged 48 1 - aged 47 1 - aged 46 4 - aged 45 1 - aged 44 1 - aged 42 1 - aged 40 
1 - aged 39 5 - aged 35 3 - aged 33 5 - aged 32 1 - aged 31 8 - aged 30 
2 - aged 29 2 - aged 28 3 - aged 27 7 - aged 25 
 
 U.S. Census Records (continued) 
 
a39 
 
Female Slaves 
 
2 - aged 23 6 - aged 22 2 - aged 21 4 - aged 20 1 - aged 19 6 - aged 18 1 - aged 17 2 - aged 16 1 - aged 14 2 - aged 13 2 - aged 12 2 - aged 11 7 - aged 10 2 - aged 9 1 - aged 8 2 - aged 7 3 - aged 6 2 - aged 4 11 - aged 3 3 - aged 2 3 - aged 1 1 - aged 5/12 (5 months) 1 - aged 2/12 (2 months) 
- 3 - aged 80 1 - aged 75 2 - aged 70 (1 b1ir.d) 2 - aged 65 7 - aged 60 1 - aged 57 1 - aged 53 4 - aged 52 5 - aged 50 1 - aged 49 5 - aged 48 1 - aged 46 7 - aged 45 1 - aged 43 1 - aged 42 4 - aged 40 3 - aged 39 1 - aged 38 2 - aged 35 1 - aged 34 3 - aged 33 4 - aged 32 8 - aged 30 1 - aged 29 
 
 U.S. Cens.us Records (continued) 
1860 Georgia, Glynn County Family number 141 
 
a40 
 
1 - aged 28 1 - aged 27 3 - aged 26 3 - aged 25 1 - aged 24 7 - aged 23 7 - aged 22 6 - aged 20 2 ... aged 19 
2 - aged 18 1 - aged 16 2 - aged 14 1 - aged 13 2 - aged 12 3 - aged 11 5 - aged 10 6 - aged 9 8 - aged 8 2 - aged 7 8 - aged 6 2 - aged 5 3 - aged 4 5 - aged 3 3 - aged 2 3 - aged 1 1 - aged 8/12 (8 months) 1 - aged 5/12 (5 months) 
 
Daniel H.B. Troup 
 
Male, aged 35, born Georgia Farmer; $25,000- value of real estate, $41,500 value of personal estate 
 
Maria H. Troup - Female, aged 8, born Georgia 
 
Hugh F. Troup - Male, aged 6, born Georgia 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 60 1 - aged 30 1 - aged 28 1 - aged 26 1 - aged 22 1 .... aged 13 
1 - aged 8 2 - aged 6 3 - aged 1 
 
 a41 
 
U.S. Census Records (continued) 
 
Family number 142 James R. Troup 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 2 - aged 55 1 - aged 48 
1 - aged 42 1 - aged 33 1 - aged 32 
1 - aged 30 2 - aged 28 1 - aged 26 1 - aged 18 1 - aged 13 1 - aged 12 1 - aged 10 2 - aged 4 4 - aged 1 
 
20 slave houses 
 
James R. Troup 
 
Ma.le, aged 25, born Georgia Farmer; $20,000 - value of real estate, $22,000 value of personal estate 
 
Matilda B. Troup - Female, aged 38, born Georgia Lady; $15,000 - value of real estate, $24,000 value of personal ~state 
 
Clelia Troup - Female, aged 30, born Georgia Lady; $15,000- value of real estate, $24,000 value of personal estate 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 3 - aged 60 1 - aged 55 1 - aged 50 1 - aged 45 1 - aged 38 1 - aged 35 2 - aged 30 1 - aged 25 2 - aged 20 1 - aged 18 2 - aged 17 1 - aged 12 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 100 3 - aged 60 4 - aged 55 1 - aged 45 2 - aged 40 
 
 ci'""t.<. 
 
U.S. Census Records (continued) 
 
Miss Matilda Troup Miss Clelia Troup 
 
4 - aged 35 1 - aged 30 1 - aged 27 2 - aged 25 1 - aged 20 1 - aged 16 1 - aged 15 1 - aged 14 2 - aged 12 2 - aged 8 1 - aged 6 1 - aged 4 2 - aged 1 
 
20 slave houses 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 60 1 - aged 55 1 - aged 50 3 - aged 40 2 - aged 35 2 - aged 30 2 - aged 25 1 - aged 18 1 - aged 14 3 - aged 12 2 - aged 1 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 80 4 - aged 60 1 - aged 55 1 - aged 50 1 - aged 35 4 - aged 30 1 - aged 28 2 - aged 25 1 - aged 21 1 - aged 20 1 - aged 16 1 - aged 14 2 - aged 12 1 - aged 1 
 
tO (?) slave houses 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 90 1 - aged 60 1 - aged 55 3 - aged 50 1 - aged 45 
 
 U.S. Census Records (continued) 
Family number 144 
 
a43 
 
2 - aged 40 2 - aged 30 1 - aged 27 (?) 1 - aged 25 1 - aged 24 1 - aged 20 1 - aged 18 1 - aged 16 1 - aged 15 2 - aged 12 1 - aged 8 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 1 - aged 90 5 - aged 60 
1 - aged 50 1 - aged 40 2 - aged 35 3 - aged 30 1 - aged 20 1 - aged 18 1 - aged 16 1 - aged 14 3 - aged 12 2 - aged 10 
 
10 slave houses 
 
George C. Dent 
 
Male, aged 38, born South Carolina Farmer; $20,000- value of real estate, $47,500value of personal estate 
 
Ophelia Dent - Female, aged 30, born Georgia 
 
James Dent - Male, aged 13, born South Carolina 
 
Brailsford Dent - Male, aged 4, born South Carolina 
 
George R. Dent - Male, aged 2, born South Carolina 
 
Male Slaves 
 
- 2 - aged 70 2 - aged 60 2 - aged 55 3 - aged 50 1 - aged 45 3 - aged 40 
 
 a44 
 
U.S. Census Records (continued) 
 
-1870 
Georgia, Glynn County Dwelling bouse number 118 Family number 109 
 
1 - aged 36 
1 - aged 35 1 - aged 30 1 - aged 28 3 - aged 26 3 - aged 25 1 - aged 24 2 - aged 20 1 - aged 17 3 - aged 15 2 - aged 10 3 - aged 6 4 - aged 4 1 - aged 3 1 - aged 2 
 
Female Slaves 
 
- 2 - aged 60 2 - aged 55 3 - aged 50 3 - aged 45 5 - aged 40 3 - aged 35 3 - aged 30 1 - aged 26 5 - aged 25 1 - aged 24 1 - aged 23 5 - aged 20 4 - aged 18 1 - aged 12 1 - aged 10 (?) 1 - aged 8 1 - aged 5 ~ - aged 4 2 - aged 3 1 - aged 1 2 - aged 6/12 (6 months) 
 
18 slave houses 
 
Daniel Troop (sic) 
White male, aged 45. bon Georgia 
Planter; $10,000 - value of real estate, $1,500 value of personal estate 
 
 a45 
 
U.S. Census Records (continued) 
 
Dwelling house number 154 Family number 141 
1880 Georgia, Glynn County Nuabers 246/287 
 
Mariah (sic) Troop - White female, aged 18, born Georgia, at school 
 
Grant Troop - White male, aged 16, born Georgia, at school 
 
Matilda Troop - White female, aged 50, born Georgia, housekeeper 
 
Moodr,:..Alston .. Black male, aged 45, born Georgia, farm laborer 
 
Almyra Alston - Black female, aged 35, born Georgia, keeping house 
 
Edmond Allton - Black male, aged 8, born Georgia 
 
Mssselle Alston - Black female, aged 5, born Georgia 
 
( 
 
) - White female, aged 10, born 
 
Geollgia, at home 
 
James R. Troop (sic) 
 
White male, aged 35, born Georgia Planter; $10,000 - value of real estate, $3,000 value of personal estate 
 
Mary Troop - White female, aged 28, born Georgia, keeping house 
 
Cornelia Troop- White female, aged ' 3, born Georgia 
 
Robert Troop - White male, aged 1, born Georgia 
 
No Dents 
 
George Dent 
White male, aged 57, born South Carolina, father and mother born South Carolina; Planter, widowed or divorced (?) 
James Dent - son - white male, aged 31, bo~ Georgia, father born South Carolina, mother born Georgia; Overseer, single 
 
 u.s. Census Records 
(continued) 
Numbers 247/287 Numbers 248/288 
 
a46 
 
Brailsford Dent - son - white male, aged 23, born South Carolina, father born South Carolina, mother born Georgia; Overseer, single. 
 
Reginald Dent - son - white male, aged 30, born 
South Carolina, father born South Carolina, mother born Georgia; At home, single ,. 
 
Si~ney Dent- son- white male, aged 17, born Deorgia, father born South Carolina, mother born Georgia; Clerk in store, single 
 
Aiken (t), ( 
 
) - servant- ( )male, aged 
 
20, born Georgia, father born Georgia, mother 
 
born South Carolina 
 
Ophelia ( 
 
) - wife - wlite female, aged 55, 
 
born Georgia, father born Georgia, mother born 
 
South Carolina; keeps house, married 
 
(this entry probably misplaced) 
 
Grant Troup 
 
White male, aged 26, born Georgia, father born Georgia, mother born South Carolina; Planter, single 
 
*United States Census Records are located on microfilm at the Department of Archives and History of the State of Georgia. Indexes to the Census Records for the State of Georgia are provided for the years 1820, 1830 and 1840, and for Glynn County, Georgia for the year 1850. 
 
 a47 
 
SOURCES FOR FAMILY TREES: 
 
In the Archives, State of Georgia: 
 
U. S. Census Records - Georgia: 1820-1880 
 
Dent-Harry-Troup genealogy, "transcribed from the records of the Misses Dent;" original typescripts at the Georgia Historical Society, Savannah, Georgia, and at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
At Hofwyl Plantation: 
 
The Dent Family Bible 
 
Papers relating to the application of James Troup Dent for admission to the Sons of the Revolution organization, containing letters, family trees, etc. In the case of conflicting information, those dates most often cited were used. 
 
Memoirs: 
 
Mrs. Ophelia Troup Dent, unpublished, 1902-1904, original manuscript at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
Charles Spalding Wylly, published as Annals and Statistics of Glynn County, Georgia, privately printed, 1897. 
 
Newspapers and Periodicals: 
 
~ Darien (Georgia) Gazette The (Charleston) South Carolina Gazette The South Carolina Historical ~ Genealogical Magazine 
 
Secondary Sour~es: 
 
Cate, Margaret Davis. Early Days of Coastal Georgia. St. Simons Island, Georgia: Fort Frederica Association, 1955. 
 
Huxford, Folks. Pioneers of Wiregrass Georgia. v.6. Jesup, Georgia: 
 
The Jesup Sentinel, 1971. 
 
 
 
Vanstory, Burnette. Georgia's ~of the Golden Isles. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1956, 1970 (reprint.) 
 
 HUSBAND William Brailsford 
 
WIFE Maria Heyward 
 
BORN c. 1760 
 
PLACE_________________________ BORN c. 1769-1772 
 
PLACE____________________________ 
 
DIED 11-25-1810 
 
PLACE St. Simons Island, Ga. 
 
DIED 4-3( ?)-1837 
 
PLACE Darien, Ga. 
 
FATHER Samuel Brailsford 
 
Born c, 1728 
Died 6-26-1800 MOTHER Susan Holmes 
 
P P 
 
lac lac 
 
ee--C-.-:t-a-r-le-s-t-o-u-, -S-.-C-.--------- 
 
Born 
 
Place 
 
Died-----------------------Place------------------------- 
 
FATHER Daniel Heyward 
 
Born Died 
 
Pl Pl 
 
aaccee---------------------------- 
 
MOTHER Jane or Ann Elizabeth Gigni1~la-i-t-t ---------------------- 
 
Born 
 
Place____________________________ 
 
Died 
 
Place_ -------------------------- 
 
MARRIED ( 1) Maria Heyward 
 
MARRIED (!)William Brailsford 
 
Date;6-?b-J 786 
 
Plac~"Euhaw, ',',- St~ Helena's Prsh,, 
 
Date p.,:.2Qii-<--.....1-.7"""8...,6"---------_...;Place "Euhaw, 11 S-t. -Helena's Pr~h. 
 
( 2) 
 
South Carolina 
 
(2) 
 
South Carolina 
 
Date------------------Place----------------------- 
 
_ Date~----------------~Place ________________________ 
 
:::H- ILDREN 
*Samuel 
Elizabeth (Jane) William .Daniel Heyward Camilla (Maria) Eugenia 
 
BORN ~. .172 c. 1790 c. 1794 1797 c. 1796 1803 
 
PLACE 
 
DIED 10-27-1807 11-16-180"1 3-1812 8-22-1833 9-9-1847 1-19-1838 
 
PLACE 
 
MARRIED 
 
Charleston, s.c 
 
DATE 
 
Mcintosh Co., Ga. Major Jacob Woo:d 
 
1-15-1807 
 
Darien, Ga. 
 
Jane Martin Leake Spaldin " 6-13-1821 
 
Baisden s Bluff Mcintosh Co., Ga. James M. Troup 
 
1813-14 
 
Charleston, S.C. John G. Bell 
 
1838 
 
*Listed in the order cite ~ by Mrs. Op elia Dent 
 
 HUSBAND ,Tames McGilyray Troup 
 
WIFE Camilla Brailsford 
 
BORN 8-31-1786 DIED 4-26-1849 
 
PLACE Savannah, Ga. Broadfield 
PLACE Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
BORN c. 1796 DIED 9-9-184 7 
 
PLACEB_a~is~d~en~' ~s ~B~l-uf-f-------- PLACE Mcintosh Co., Ga. 
 
FATHER George Troup 
 
Born 
 
Place 
 
Died------------------~Place__L_i_b_e_r-ty---Co-.-.-G-a-.--------- 
 
MOTHER Catberine Mcintosh BDioernd----------------------~PPllaaccee__S_a_v-an__na_h__,_G__a .____________ 
 
FATHER William Brailsford Born c. 1760 Died 11-25-1810 MOTHER Maria Heyward Born c. 1769-1772 Died 4-3(?)-1837 
 
Place P lace__,S_t_.__,S_,i_m_o_n_s__,I_s.,..l-an__,.d-,-G""a-.--- 
Place~~----~---------------- PlaceDarien, Ga. 
 
~ED 
 
(1) Camilla Brailsford 
 
Date 1813-14 
 
P1 ace,The 
 
Ridge , 
 
Me I n t o s h 
 
Co  , 
 
MARRIED Ga  
 
(l)James McGilvray Troup Dat-e"'"1"l''8..,.1"'~'3--..-1T"4______::______:__P....,..l-a-ce.....,Th,_..e--=-R..,.i"':'d_g_e-,-M~c-I!;!"'n-t:-o-s"'Th---:C.-o-.-,__,.( 
 
( 2) 
 
(2)--_:-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_~------------- 
 
D a t e_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~Place______________________ 
 
Date____________________~Place_______________________ 
 
Qi_ILDREN 
 
BORN 
 
PLACE 
 
Maria Hevward 
 
James 
 
Catherine Augusta 
 
Matilda Brailsford 
 
c. 1820 
 
James Daniel Heyward Brailsforc 1824 
 
Baisden's Bluff 
 
MrTnto~h Co 
 
Ga 
 
Ophelia Clelia Hannah Heyward 
 
1-20-1827 1829 1831 
 
Darien Ga. Baisden's Bluff Mcintosh Co., Ga. Baisden's Bluff Mcintosh Co. , Ga. 
 
Septima 
 
1833 
 
James Robert 
 
6-3-1835 Darien, Ga. 
 
DIED before 1830 before 1830 before 1840 8-1886 before 1830 1R70 11-20-1905 7-1889 11-10-1854 1835 4-1-1874 
 
PLACE 
 
MARRIED 
 
DATE 
 
Atlanta, Ga. 
 
Thorn Hill Glvnn Co,  Ga. 
 
-Frances Emelia(?) Grant 4-1851 
 
George Columbus Dent 
 
The Parsonage 
 
Glynn Co., Ga. Daniel Murray Key 
 
Old Sweet Springs 
 
Va. 
 
Charles Manigault Morris 
 
11-22-1847 11-16-1869 2-1851 
 
Broad field Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
Mary Ray Nightingale 
 
6-1866 
 
 HUSBAND George Columbus Dent 
 
WIFE Ophelia Troup 
 
Fenwicks or Phenix 
 
.BORN 5-1-1822 
 
PLACE St. Bartholomew Prsh., S.C-BORN 1-20-1827 
 
The Parsonage 
 
DIED 3-4-1884 
 
PLACE Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
DIED 11-20-1905 
 
PLACE Darien, Ga. PLACE 
 
FATHER John Hubert Dent 
 
FATHER James McGilvray Troup 
 
Born 
 
Place 
 
Born 8-31-1786 
 
Died 4-26-1849 Died-7~-~3~rr-~rns~2~3r--------------Place------------------------- 
 
Place Savannah. Ga. Place Broadfield. Glynn Co . Ga. 
 
MOTHER .Anne Elizabeth Horry 
 
MOTHER Camilla Brailsford 
 
Born 8-7-1789 Died 2-18-1856 
 
Place Charleston, S.C. 
 
Born c. 1796 
 
Place Darien, Ga. 
 
Died 9-9-184 7 
 
------~----------------- 
 
Place______~-------------------- 
PlaceBaisden's Bluff, Mcintosh Co. Ga. 
 
MARRIED (1) Ophelia Troup Date 11-22-1847 
 
MARRIED (1) George C. Dent 
 
PlaceBroadfield, Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
Date_l~=-~l=-~--~'2:~:.~ ;2=~..- -_,-1::-.;-8::-:.-.4.~:.- .:7-~-- --------..-.;P-la-ceB~ro~ adf-ie- ld,~-G-ly-nn--C-o.-, -G~a- . 
 
D(2at)e-__-_-_-_-_-__-_-_-_-_-_-__-_-_-..-..;~P-la-ce-------------------- 
 
D{2a)t_e________________~_-_-_-__-_-_-_-__-_-_-P-la-c-e-__-_-_-_-__-_-_-_-__-_-_-_-_-__-_-_-_-__-_-_-_ 
 
giiLDREN James Troup George Troup Frederick Preble Charles Morris An infant .Brailsford George Reginald John Sidney 
 
BORN 9-17-1848 
 
PLACE 
 
DIED 
 
Baisden's Bluff 
 
Mcintosh Co., Ga. 10-11-1913 
 
9-10-1850 Flat Rock, N.C. . 11-4-1850 
 
PLACE Hofwyl Glynn Co., Ga. Broadfield Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
MARRIED Miriam Gratz Cohen 
 
9-16-1851 Clarkesville, Ga. 12-1-1851 (7?) 
 
10-28-1852 Darien, Ga. 
 
4-13-1854 
 
3-1854 10-2-1856 4-15-1859 
 
Sullivan's Island, 
 
S.C. 
 
7-25(6?)-1889 Brunswick, Ga. 
 
St. Simons Island, 
 
Charleston, S.C. 5-22-1886 
 
Ga. 
 
4-22-1862 Ware Co., Ga. 
 
12-10-1894 
 
Brunswick, Ga. 
 
Anne Prioleau 
 
DATE 11-30-1880 
I 
I 
' 
I 
' ! 
 
' 
i 
I 
 
 HUSBAND  James Troue Dent BOH-1 9-17-1848 DIED 10-11-1913 
 
Baisden's Bluff PLACE Ms;!ns;osh Co._1 Ga. 
Hofwyl 
PLACE Gl;lnn Co. 1 Ga. 
 
WIFE Mirtam Gratz Cohen 
BOEN-------------------------~PLACE~~~~------------------ 
Hofwyl DIED~1~9-3-1----------------~PLACE Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
FATHER George Columbus Dent 
 
FATHER Solomon Cohen 
 
~~ 5-1-1822 
 
Place St. Bartholo~~ Prsh., S.Co~ ~~-------~--~--~----P~l-a-ce----------~~--~--~----~ 
 
Died 3-4..:.1884 
MOTHER Ophelia Troup Born 1-20-1827 Died 11-20-1905 
 
Place Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
Died 
 
Place 
 
MOTH~ER~-M-ir-ia-m--G-ra-t~z ~M-o-s-es-~--~ 
 
----------~--~-------------- 
 
Place Darien Place 
 
BDoiren d - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -.-PP 1l aaccee.-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 
 
-----------~---------------- 
 
MARRIED (1) Miriam Gratz Cohen 
 
. .  Date 11-30-188o 
 
Plac~avannBh, Ga. 
 
(2) _____________________________________________________~------..... 
 
Date 
 
Place --------------------~--- 
 
MARRIED (1) James Troup Dent 
 
Datell-30-1880 
 
Place Savannah, Ga. 
 
D(2a)t_e____~_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_~ --~-P -l ~a -c -e --_-_-~---_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_-_ 
 
Cli!LDREN Gratz .James Troup Miriam Grat.z Opchelia Troup 
 
BOH-1 
 
PtACE 
 
9-24-1881 Savannah, Ga. 
 
10-15,...1882 Savannah, Ga 
 
11-12-1883 Savannah, Ga. 11-28..;1886 Savannah, Ga. 
 
DIED 
 
. 
 
6,...12'""1932 
 
4-4--1887 
 
6-23-1953 
 
9-5-1973 
 
PLACE 
Savannah, Ga. Hofwyl Glynn Co._, Ga. Hofwyl Glynn Co., Ga. Hofwyl Glynn Co., Ga. 
 
MARRIED 
 
DATE 
.. 
 
. 
 
. 
 
 KINSHIP DIAGRAM 
 
Samuel Elizabeth (Jane) William Daniel Heyward 
 
James McGilvray Troup 
 
(Maria) Eugenia 
 
Catherine Matilda 
 
Daniel Heyward 
 
James Augusta Brailsford James Brailsford 
 
Clelia 
 
James Septima Robert 
 
George Columbus Dent 
 
James 
 
Miriam 
 
Troup Dent Gratz Cohen 
 
George Troup 
 
Frederick Preble 
 
Charles Morris 
 
Infant 
 
Brailsford 
 
George Reginald 
 
John Sidney 
 
Gratz 
 
James Troup 
 
Miriam Gratz 
 
Ophelia Troup 
 
 a53 
 
WILL OF JAMES M. TROUP* 
 
I James Troup of the County of Glynn and State of Georgia do make and publish this My last Will and Testament hereby revoking and making void all former Will by me at any time heretofore made. And as to such worldly Estate, as it hath pleased God to intrust me with, I dispose of the Same as follows -- 
First. I desire and direct that all my debts be paid as soon after my decease as posable (sic) from the proceeds of the Crops, and the sale of such Lands, as are not Cultivated or being Cultivated in Rice -- 
Secondly, I desire and direct that no part of my real or personal Estate, that is now Cultivated or being Cultivated in Rice shall be sold for the liquidation of my debts so long as the Executors can cantrall (sic) the same. -- 
Thirdly. lt is my desire and positive Command that no division of my Estate either real or personal shall be made until! (sic) all my just and lawful debts are paid. -- 
Fourthly. I desire that after all my debts are paid that my Estate both real and personal shall be divided in accordance with the Laws and Statutes of the State of Georgia therefor (sic) made and provided. -- 
I do hereby make and ordain my son Daniel H.B. Troup and my (esteemed) neighbor James Hamilton Couper Esquire Executors of this my last Will and Testament. In Witness whereof I James Troup the (testator), have to this my Will set my hand and Seal this twentieth day of December in the Year of our Lord Eighteen hundred and forty seven. 
 
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us 
 
James Troup 
 
Hugh Fraser Grant Jas. Swan Sullivan Chas. Grant 
 
By some strange inadvertence (sic) (Magt} Grant in writing out this will substituted as first Executor my Sons (sic) name, the object of this Codicil is to rectify the mistake by placing Mr Coupers (sic) name as first Executor. 
James Troup 
 
*Glynn County Court of Ordinary Wills, Inventories & Appraisals Book~ 
(1844-1853), p. 135. On microfilm at State of Georgia Department of Archives and History, Reel 82/4. 
 
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 *Inventory and Appraisement of the Estate of James M. Troup; recorded 25 January 1850; Glynn County Wills, Inventories, Appraisements ~~ (1844-1853), PP 156-159. 
 
 a 58 
 
DIVISION OF ESTATE OF JAMES TROUP* 22 April 1856 
Deed of division dated 22 April 1858 
 
Distributors: 
 
Hugh Fraser Grant Robert Hazlehurst John W. Hutchinson Urbanus Dart Robert Hazlehurst, Jr. 
 
Distrubutees: 
 
D.H.B. Troup J. Robert Troup George and Ophelia Troup Dent Matilda B. Troup Clelia Troup Charles Manigault Morris 
 
To Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup: 
 
925 acres upland 
 
370 acres river swamp and bay lands 
 
1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certai.n tabby house, formerly 
 
the residenc.e of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
10 slaves: (Court House) 
 
Adam 
 
valued at 
 
$800 
 
sue 
 
valued at 
 
$700 
 
Margaret 
 
II 
 
250 
 
John 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Eve 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Alfie 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Old Alfie 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Charlotte 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Maria 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Kit 
 
II 
 
700 
 
43 slaves: (Broadfield) 
 
London 
 
valued at $1,000 
 
Rachael valued at 
 
$700 
 
Palty 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Ezekiel 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Paul 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Silas 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Abram 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Fanny 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Lyman 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Charlotte 
 
II 
 
450 
 
Anthony 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Elsie 
 
II 
 
150 
 
William 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Tyra 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Patty 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Cloey 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Harriet 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Grace 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Saus 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Sylvia 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Jacob 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Jackson 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Ainaritta 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Clarissa 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Robin 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Phyllis 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Hagar 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Ivey 
 
,,II 
 
700 
 
Prince 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Paul 
 
300 
 
Billy 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Quash 
 
" 
 
1,000 
 
Mary 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Floyd 
 
" 
 
150 
 
Stephen 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Sue 
 
" 
 
700 
 
Cornelia 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Phillip 
 
II 
 
450 
 
Riurty 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Carpenter John " 
 
1,100 
 
John 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Eliza 
 
11 
 
700 
 
Mary Ann 
 
II 
 
50 
 
 a 59 
 
Division of the Estate of James Troup (continued) 
 
To J. Robert Troup: 
 
l/3 interest in 925 acres upland 
 
1/3 interest in 400 acres bottom swamp 
 
1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certain tabby house, formerly 
 
the residence of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
8 slaves: (Court House) 
 
Cyrus 
 
valued at $1,000 
 
Patience valued at 
 
$400 
 
Eve 
 
It 
 
700 
 
Alfie 
 
II 
 
400 
 
Allen 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Sally 
 
" 
 
400 
 
Marlboro 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Katy 
 
II 
 
150 
 
51 slaves: (Broad field) 
 
Moses 
 
valued at 1,000 
 
Abigail valued at 
 
700 
 
Miley 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Mary 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Sarah 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Pender 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Bob 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Molly 
 
II 
 
550 
 
Henry 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Edward 
 
II 
 
550 
 
Balenda 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Old Caully II 
 
450 
 
Old Phoebe 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Reggy 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Caully 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Lizzy 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Jane 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Decimar 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Phoebe 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Emeline 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Sap ley 
 
II 
 
150 
 
George 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Jimbo 
 
II 
 
450 
 
July 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Maria 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Elsie 
 
II 
 
700 
 
James 
 
II 
 
450 
 
Jim 
 
II 
 
250 
 
John 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Sap ley 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Peter 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Old Jimbo 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Brutus 
 
II 
 
900 
 
Old Peggy 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Nansy 
 
II 
 
450 
 
Sap ley 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Billy 
 
II 
 
750 
 
Old Lydia 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Old Dinah 
 
II 
 
00 
 
Hamlet 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Betsy 
 
" 
 
700 
 
William 
 
II 
 
150 
 
John Black 
 
" 
 
1,300 
 
Old Sally 
 
" 
 
75 
 
H. Tenah 
 
" 
 
400 
 
Sharper 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Old Molly 
 
II 
 
00 
 
Loriter 
 
" 
 
700 
 
Aleck 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Jemima 
 
" 
 
150 
 
Maurier 
 
" 
 
50 
 
To Clelia Troup: 
 
1/3 interest in 925 acres upland 
 
1/3 interest in 400 acres bottom swamp 
 
1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certain tabby house, formerly 
 
the residence of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
8 slaves: (Court House) 
 
Sampson valued.at 1,000 
 
Sarah 
 
valued at 
 
500 
 
Princus 
 
11 
 
600 
 
Daphney 
 
II 
 
400 
 
Amos 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Morris 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Ishmael 
 
" 
 
400 
 
Old Rose 
 
II 
 
00 
 
 a60 
 
Division of the Estate of James Troup (continued) 
 
To Clelia Troup: (continued) 
 
46 slaves: (Broadfield) 
 
Paul 
 
valued at 
 
Joan 
 
II 
 
Colta 
 
II 
 
Doll 
 
II 
 
August 
 
II 
 
Joe 
 
II 
 
Rusty 
 
II 
 
William 
 
II 
 
Jane 
 
II 
 
Robin 
 
II 
 
Hector 
 
II 
 
Nimrod 
 
" 
 
Alonzo 
 
" 
 
Ishmael 
 
" 
 
Jack 
 
II 
 
June 
 
II 
 
Grace 
 
II 
 
Mingo 
 
II 
 
Adam 
 
" 
 
Peggy 
 
II 
 
Phoebe 
 
" 
 
Sue 
 
II 
 
Old Smart 
 
II 
 
1,500 350 300 700 900 200 150 100 700 350 50 
oo 
100 1,000 
800 200 300 1,000 1,000 500 100 200 
50 
 
Fanny 
 
valued at 
 
Joe 
 
II 
 
Lucy 
 
II 
 
Sancho 
 
II 
 
Jenny 
 
II 
 
Charlotte 
 
II 
 
Dido 
 
II 
 
Tom 
 
II 
 
Hope 
 
II 
 
Phoebe 
 
" 
 
Nanny 
 
II 
 
Lin a 
 
II 
 
Ellen 
 
II 
 
Charles 
 
" 
 
Molly 
 
II 
 
Edward 
 
II 
 
Guy 
 
II 
 
Salena 
 
II 
 
Jemima 
 
II 
 
Judy 
 
II 
 
Luke 
 
II 
 
Old Nancy 
 
II 
 
Old Molly 
 
II 
 
700 
400 700 1,000 400 700 250 1,000 450 200 250 250 150 800 700 600 100 700 650 100 450 150 
so 
 
To Matilda B~ Troup: 
 
1/3 interest in 925 acres upland 
 
1/3 interest in 400 acres .bottom swamp 
 
1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certain tabby house, formerly 
 
the residence of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
8 slaves: (Court House) 
 
Ben 
 
valued at 
 
1,000 
 
Sinder valued at 
 
400 
 
Friday 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Betty 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Nick 
 
II 
 
400 
 
Young Ned 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Paul 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Hector 
 
II 
 
150 
 
44 slaves: (Broadfield) 
 
William valued at 
 
800 
 
Rhinah valued at 
 
500 
 
Jacob 
 
II 
 
Sally 
 
II 
 
Old Terra 
 
II 
 
Caty 
 
II 
 
Simon 
 
II 
 
August 
 
II 
 
.II 
 
Terra 
 
Abel 
 
" 
 
Judy 
 
II 
 
Jolly 
 
II 
 
Old Betsy 
 
II 
 
Lymus 
 
II 
 
100 350 100 350 1,000 1,000 
75 100 700 700 200 280 
 
Rose 
 
II 
 
Laura 
 
II 
 
Harry 
 
II 
 
Fanny 
 
II 
 
Bob 
 
II 
 
Nanny 
 
II 
 
Carolina 
 
II 
 
Jim 
 
II 
 
Gabriel 
 
II 
 
Sally 
 
II 
 
Phillis 
 
II 
 
Lycheire 
 
" 
 
150 250 1,200 700 600 600 250 1,000 1,000 700 200 500 
 
 a61 
 
Division of the Estate of James Troup (continued) 
 
To Matilda B. Troup: (continued) 
 
Jeany 
 
valued at 
 
London 
 
II 
 
Joe 
 
II 
 
Rilta 
 
li 
 
Old Fanny 
 
II 
 
Nancy 
 
II 
 
Hamilton 
 
II 
 
Delia 
 
II 
 
Martha 
 
II 
 
600 150 600 200 100 600 1,000 
50 700 
 
July Princes Betty H. Jenny Polly Harry Ishmael Mingo Lazarus 
 
valued at 
II II II II II II II II 
 
280 350 700 700 350 800 250 1,000 
so 
 
To George and Ophelia Troup Dent: 
 
9~5 acres upland 
 
. 300 acres river swamp 
 
1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certain tabby house, formerly 
 
the residence of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
10 slaves: (Court House) 
 
John 
 
valued at 
 
800 
 
Darkus valued at 
 
700 
 
Maria 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Susan Ann 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Old Milly 
 
II 
 
00 
 
Bob 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Rose 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Edward 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Old Ned 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Carolina 
 
II 
 
800 
 
45 slaves: (Broadfield) 
 
Tyra 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Hercules 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Henry 
 
II 
 
150 
 
John 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Pussy 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Petro 
 
II 
 
700 
 
Frederick 
 
II 
 
1~000 
 
Sandy 
 
II 
 
800 
 
Lyddy 
 
II 
 
500 
 
Tom 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Lucy 
 
II 
 
500 
 
July 
 
II 
 
400 
 
Patty 
 
II 
 
350 
 
Marian 
 
II 
 
500 
 
Tyra 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Elizabeth 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Adam 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Mingo 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Frank 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Sue 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Peter 
 
II 
 
1,200 
 
Katy 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Georgia 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Peter 
 
II 
 
250 
 
Martha 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Esau 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Clarinda 
 
II 
 
200 
 
Quanima 
 
II 
 
1,100 
 
Silby 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Old Adam 
 
II 
 
100 
 
Old Doll 
 
II 
 
50 
 
Martha 
 
II 
 
600 
 
Rebecca 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Georgianna II 
 
150 
 
Jaines 
 
II 
 
1,000 
 
Venus 
 
II 
 
700 (?) 
 
Morris 
 
I,.I, 
 
700 
 
Sophia 
 
" 
 
600 
 
Selina 
 
150 
 
Branch 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Friday 
 
II 
 
300 
 
Sary 
 
" 
 
700 
 
Marlborough " 
 
50 
 
Emily 
 
II 
 
150 
 
Justice 
 
II 
 
400 
 
To Charles Manigault Morris: 1/6 interest in Broughton Island (900 acres) 
 
 a62 
 
Division of the Estate of James Troup (continued) 
 
To Charles Manigault Morris: (continued) 
 
1/6 interest in Court House Plantation (2,500 acres) 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien, whereon is a certain tabby house, formerly 
 
the residence of James Troup 
 
1/6 interest in a lot in Darien 
 
9 slaves: (Court House) 
 
S,lick (?) valued at 
 
Suckey 
 
" 
 
Sarah 
 
" 
 
Simon 
 
" 
 
Malina 
 
" 
 
$1,000 700 250 500 75 
 
Phoebe valued at 
 
Ned 
 
" 
 
Hardtimes 
 
u 
 
March 
 
" 
 
$400 400 100 ' 
400 
 
44 slaves: (Broadfield) 
 
Cyrus 
 
valued at 
 
Will 
 
II 
 
Bella Molfy 
 
.".. 
 
Jim  
 
" 
 
Harrington 
 
" 
 
Old Frank 
 
" 
 
Cato 
 
" 
 
Sibby 
 
" 
 
Jacob 
 
" 
 
Luke 
 
II 
 
Dan 
 
II 
 
Laura 
 
" 
 
JaJI)eS 
 
II 
 
Margaret e:dWard 
 
..II 
 
Mary 
 
II 
 
Cain 
 
II 
 
Affey 
 
II 
 
John 
 
II 
 
Betty 
 
II 
 
Lucia 
 
If 
 
$800 1,000 
700 100 
50 1,1,0 
100 400 
50 1,000 1,000 
600 700 
50 700 1,200 150 1,000 150 1,000 350 700 
 
Branch valued at 
 
Lizzy 
 
II 
 
Susan 
 
.n 
 
Old Betty 
 
" 
 
Dye 
 
" 
 
Catharine 
 
" 
 
Arney 
 
" 
 
Emelia 
 
II 
 
Charles 
 
" 
 
Delia  
 
" 
 
Neptune 
 
" 
 
Andrew 
 
II 
 
sandy 
 
" 
 
Tesby 
 
II 
 
Prince 
 
" 
 
Pussey 
 
" 
 
Wiliiam 
 
" 
 
Old Becky 
 
II 
 
Victoria 
 
II 
 
Dolly 
 
II 
 
Old eye 
 
II 
 
Polly 
 
" 
 
$600 600 700 
00 400 700 500 300 300 400 500 450 150 700 
180 
600 100 00 
700 
700 100 ' 100 
 
In addition to land and slaves, all "horses, mules, oxen, carts, ploughs, hoes, SpadeS,. (U'ld Other agriCUltural tOOlS and instrumentS' II along With 11hOUSe- 
hold ftimiture, plate, wines and liquors" were to ,be divided into 1/6 
portion~:~. Of special note: The slaves appear to have been divided in 
family units of from two to ten persons. 
 
*Compiled from estate records of James Troup, in manuscript form at Hofwyl Plantation. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE AMOUNTS RECEIVED BY THE HEIRS OF THE ESTATE OF JAMES TROUP IN PROPERTY AND MONEY* 
 
Lands 
 
IN PROPERTY Negroes 
 
Total 
 
Miss M.B. Troup $15,333.33 $25,625.00 $40,958.33 
 
~ss Clelia Troup 15,333.33 25,500.00 40,833.33 
 
~s. 0. Dent ~rs. H.H. Morris 
 
26,000.00 
----- 
 
25,700.00 25,525.00 
 
51,700.00 25,525.00 
 
Dr. D. H.B. Troup 21,000.00 26,200.00 47,200.00 
 
Mr. J.R. Troup 
 
15,333.33 25,875.00 41,203.36 
 
TOTAL $93 .ooo .00 $154,425.00 $247,425.00 
 
Principal $ 8,331. 70 
8,018.47 6,298.41 10,038.85 10,743.89 8,068.90 
 
IN MONEY Interest $.1,603 .6 7 
1,702.75 1,095.11 1,125.79 
999.04 1 ,151. 32 
 
Total $ 9,935.02 
9 '721. 22 7, 39 3.52 11,164.64 11,742.93 9,220.22 
 
TOTAL OF EVERY KIND $50,893.35 
50,554.55 59,093.52 36,689.64 58,942.93 50,428.56 
 
$51.500.22 $7,677.33 $59,177.55 $306,602.55 
 
*Taken from papers of the division of the estate of James M. Troup, located at Hofwyl Plantation. Figures are reproduced as accurately as possible; errors in totals are unexplained. Also according to the chart: Mrs. 0. Dent received $7,993.09 1/2 excess beyond the average share; D.H.B. Troup- $7,842.50 1/2 excess; M.B. Troup received $207.02 1/2 deficiency below the average share; Clelia Troup- $545.87 1/2 deficiency; H.H. Morris - $14,410.87 1/2 deficiency; and J.R. Troup $671.86 1/2 deficiency. 
 
 a64 
HOFWYL PLANTATION FURNISHINGS* 
A. Entrance Hall 
Four side chairs, mahogany, Empire style, probably English, 1815-25, belonging to Governor George M. Troup (1780-1856). One of these is now at the Owens-Thomas House, Savannah, and another in possession of Miss Sydney Dent, Charleston. 
Card table, mahogany, "Duncan Phyfe" type with urn shaft, possibly American, 1810-20. Was purchased by Miriam and Ophelia Dent from Miss Sydney Dent. 
Desk and bookcase, mahogany, glass doors, Federal period, possibly Massachusetts, circa 1820. Purchased by Miriam and Ophelia Dent from Walter deLorne, a Savannah architect. Objects in the bookcase include silver spoons with the Brailsford crest, silver spurs, coral jewelry, silhouettes, etc. 
Pair of double-armed mirrored wall sconces, brass, circa 1875. Mates to two in parlour. 
Chandelier, brass; bought by James Troup Dent from Wymberly Wormsloe DeRenne. 
Oriental rug, probably a Kabistan or a Ferraghan. Purchased by Miriam and Ophelia Dent. 
Guns and a cane owned by James Troup Dent, on a gun rack built by the Dent's butler. 
Two Victorian "opera chairs." 
B. Parlor 
Desk and bookcase ("secretary"), mahogany; glass doors with mostly original panes; attributed to Charleston, circa 1790; originally owned by Solomon Cohen in Georgetown, South Carolina. 
Armchair, shield-back, Federal period, attributed to Charleston, 1795-1812; originally owned by Solomon Cohen; lilly of the valley inlay on back splat. 
Pedestal table, mahogany, "Duncan Phyfe period," circa 1815-20; of Governor Troup or Dent origin. 
Meridienne or chaise-longue, English Regency period; a Troup piece. 
Three velvet-covered Louis XVI Revival armchairs, circa 1845. 
 
 a65 
 
Tall bookcase with glass pannelled doors, mahogany, circa 1845. 
 
Two Victorian "opera chairs," like two in hall and one in first floor bedroom. 
 
Pair double armed, mirrored wall sconces, brass, circa 1875; like two in the hall. 
c. Dining Room 
 
Small mahogany sideboard, American Empire period, circa 1845; 
 
called the Dent sideboard. 
 
 
 
Banquet table with leaves, mahogany, circa 1800. 
 
Tripod fire screen, Victorian period, circa 1860; a Cohen piece. 
 
Twelve, Victorian (Easklake period) side chairs, walnut, circa 1875; of Cohen origin. 
 
Large bookcase with panelled glass doors, the companion to one in the parlor, mahogany, circa 1845; owned by Solomon Cohen. 
 
Shallow china cabinet, mahogany, circa 1780. 
 
Silver, crystal and porcelain. 
 
D. Downstairs Bedroom 
 
Spool bed, American, circa 1850. 
 
Small pedestal table with drop leaves, mahogany, American, Empire period, circa 1840; a Cohen piece. 
 
Second Empire period settee. 
 
Chest of drawers, mahogany, American, Empire period, circa 1840; a Cohen piece. 
 
Gentleman's dressing table and mirror, mahogany, probably English, circa 1800. 
 
Large mahogany wardrobe, circa 1845, a Cohen piece. 
 
Card table ort tripod, mahogany, "Phyfe" period, circa 1820. 
 
Oriental rug. 
 
Victorian "opera chair". 
E. Upstairs E!!! 
 
Mahogany linen press 
 
 a66 
F. Southeast Bedroom The Rice Bed; circa 1790, probably Charleston made, removable headboard and plain headposts, rice motif carving, mahogany, extremely rare. Lap desk, mahogany, made by George C. Dent at the Hofwyl School in Switzerland. 
G. Southwest Bedroom Fourposter bedstead with removable headboard, mahogany, circa 1835. Worktable with removable top, pedestal type, mahogany, circa 1845. Drop-leaf pedestal table, mahogany, "Phyfe" period; possibly New York made; circa 1815. 
H. Northeast Bedroom Linen press, mahogany with secondary woods of cypress and Southern pine, circa 1795-1800. Double doors in the top section, with a lower section of two small drawers over two long drawers, all placed on bracket feet. The doors and drawers are decorated with string inlay of holly. Probably Savannah made. Chest of drawers, mahogany, straight front with a wide strip of reeding down each side. Turned legs. The drawer sides of cedar with the runners of Southern pine. Circa 1825, probably Savannah made. 
*Inventory condensed from art appraisal made by William R. Mitchell, Jr. of the Georgia Historical Commission in April, 1970 for insurance purposes. Articles which were bequeathed in Miss Ophelia Dent's will have been eliminated. The author is grateful to Mr. Mitchell for his identification and descriptions. 
 
 t..AUHOfiN OLD 
F\0011\ KtTc.HEN 
 
Ni" 
OK.\(\iH~L 
sc.A.L.E 
Ys =\~oo+- 
HOF\Y'IL PLAN TA..T I0"'\ 
 
REM 
POR.c.H 
 
DIMIN(i 1\00/" 
/~IN \4~L 
 
fRONT 
POR.Oi 
 
BED\0011\. 
{~~~ 
- - FI~TFL~ 
 
PARLOR 
J 
 
 a68 
EIGHTH UNITED STATES CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE* Glynn County, Georgia 1860 
Daniel H. B. Troup 
300 acres improved 400 acres unimproved 
$25,000 - cash value of farm $3,000 - value of farming implements and machinery 
Livestock 6 horses 1 ass or mule 12 milch cows 6 working oxen 10 other cattle 14 sheep 2 swine 
$1,050 - value of livestock 
Produce 500 bushels of Indian corn 250 bushels of oats 379,500 pounds of rice SO pounds of wool 150 bushels of peas and beans 1,000 bushels sweet potatoes 1 ton hay 
$60 - value of animals slaughtered 
James R. Troup 
550 acres improved 1,000 acres unimproved 
$50,000 - cash value of farm $4,000 - value of farming implements and machinery 
Livestock 7 horses 6 asses and mules 12 milch cows 12 working oxen 15 other cattle 35 sheep 12 swine 
$2,200 - value of livestock 
 
 a69 
1860 Agriculture Census (continued) 
Produce 800 bushels of Indian corn 400 bushels of oats 690,000 pounds of rice 100 pounds of wool 100 bushels of peas and beans 1,000 bushels sweet potatoes 
$300 - value of animals slaughtered 
George C. Dent 
300 acres improved 300 acres unimproved 
$20,000 - cash value. of farm $1,500 - value of farming implements and machinery 
l-ivestock 6 horses 2 milch cows 8 working oxen 2 other cattle 42 sheep 4 swine 
$1,050 - value of livestock 
Produce 150 bushels of Indian corn 348,500 pounds of rice 120 pounds of wool 70 bushels of peas and beans 500 bushels sweet potatoes 
$45 - value of animals slaughtered 
*Located on microfilm in the State of Georgia Department of Archives and History; original in the Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 
 
 a70 
NINTH UNITED STATES CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE* 
Glynn County, Georgia 1870 
James Robert Troup 
400 acres improved 800 acres unimproved woodland 
Farm values $1,000 - present cash value of farm $100 - present cash value of farming implements and machinery $200 - value of livestock $453 - estimated value of all farm production, including betterments and additions to stock 
Farm expenditures $100 - total amount of wages paid during the year, including value of board 
Livestock as of June 1, 1870 2 horses 1 milch cow 
Produce 300 bushels Indian corn no Rice 20 pounds butter 
Daniel H.B. Troup 
250 acres improved 800 acres unimproved 
Farm values $10,000 - present cash value of farm $50 - present cash value of farming implements and machinery $100 - value of livestock $225 - estimated value of all farm production, including betterments and additions to stock 
Farm expenditures $75 - total amount of wages paid during the year, including value of board 
Livestock as of June 1, 1870 1 horse 2 working oxen 11 sheep 
 
 a71 
1870 Agriculture Census (continued) 
Produce lSQ~~hels Indian corn no Rice 
*Located on microfilm in the State of Georgia Department of Archives and History; original in the Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 
 
 a72 
TENTH UNITED STATES CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE* Glynn County, Georgia 1880 
Columbus Dent (George C. Dent) 
275 acres improved, tilled 550 acres unimproved, woodland forest 
Farm values $9,000 - value of farm; land, fences and buildings $100 - value of farming implements and machinery $900 - value of livestock $1,000 - estimated value of all farm produce (sold, consumed or on hand) for 1879 
Farm expenditures $500 - cost of building and repairing fences in 1879 $40 - cost of fertilizer purchased in 1879 $4,500 - amount paid for wages for farm labor during 1879, including value of board (weeks hired labor in 1879 upon farm and dairy, excluding house work: white - 29 weeks; colored - 52 weeks) 
Livestock Horses of all ages on hand June 1, 1880 - 5 Mules and asses of all ages on hand June 1, 1880 - 4 Poultry on hand June 1, 1880, exclusive of spring hatching - 12 
Produce (1879) 100 eggs 45,000 pounds rice (260 acres) 100 gallons molasses (1~ acres sugar cane) 
Grant Troup (acting as agent, probably for Matilda Brailsford Troup and cl:elia Troup Key) 
140 acres improved, tilled 460 acres unimproved, woodland forest 
Farm values $4,000 - value of farm; land, fences and buildings $100 - value of farming implements and machinery $256 - value of livestock $5,100 - estimated value of all farm produce (sold, consumed or on hand) for 1879 
Farm expenditures $80 - cost of fertilizer purchased in 1879 $4,000 - amount paid for wages for farm labor during 1879, including value of board (weeks hired labor in 1879 upon farm and dairy, excluding house work: white - 6 weeks; colored - 52 weeks) 
 
 a73 
1880 Agriculture Census (continued) 
Livestock Horses of all ages on hand June 1, 1880 - 2 Mules and asses of all ages on hand June 1, .1880 - 2 Swine on hand June 1, 1880 - 6 
Produce 176,000 pounds rice (156 acres) 
Grant Troup (acting as agent, probably for the estate of Daniel Heyward Brailsford Troup) 
300 acres improved, tilled 900 acres unimproved, woodland forest 100 acres other unimproved lands, including old fields not growing wood 
Farm values $30,000 - value of farm; land, fences and buildings $500 - value of farming implements and machinery $725 - value of livestock $12,000 - estimated value of all farm produce (sold, consumed or on hand) for 1879 
Livestock Horses of all ages on hand June 1, 1880 - 4 Mules and asses of all ages on .hand June 1, 1880 - 9 
Produce 196,000 pounds rice (175? acres) 100 bushels Indian corn (3 acres) 
Mary R. Troup (widow of James R. Troup) 
225 acres improved, tilled 425 acres unimproved, woodland forest 
Farm values $8,200 - value of farm; land, fences and buildings $220 - value of livestock $5,000 - estimated value of all farm produce (sold, consumed or on hand) for 1879 
Livestock Mules and asses of all ages on hand June 1, 1880 - 2 Cows on hand June 1, 1880 - 2 (2 calves dropped) 
 
 a74 1880 Agriculture Census (continued) 
Produce 150,000 pounds rice (150 acres) 
*Located on microfilm in the State of Georgia Department of Archives and History; original in the Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. 
 
 a75 
 
MEMOIRS OF OPHELIA TROUP DENT 
 
Laurens County, August 6, 1902 
 
The first Brailsford I know of was my great grandfather, Samuel Brailsford. Whether he was born in this country or in England I do not know; he was a merchant living in London or Liverpool and doing business with the Colonies. He married his wife, Miss Susan Holmes, in Charleston, South Carolina. Their English portraits, and that of his only son, my grandfather William Brailsford, are still in existence. 
By looking into the history of the Supreme Court of the United States you will find its first case was "Samuel Brailsford versus James Spalding," - a wealthy Scotch gentlemen of the Mcintosh clan in Georgia, a family with whom in the years to come the closest of ties were formed, and friendships that have gone down to the fourth generation. 
My grandfather Brailsford grew up in England, a gay young man, 
visiting Paris, dressing in fine silks, laces, silk stockings and buckles, the fashion of the day, which we have seen and masqueraded in. He admired the silver forks in Paris so very much that when he had a family of children to bring up properly in Charleston, he imported six small forks for  their use, and saw to it that they did use them. (My grandfather was very particular about his children, they must all be straight! My mother as a child on the plantation sprained her shoulder jumping out of a boat. In nursing the sprain she was getting one shoulder higher than the other; it was a source of constant reproof from her father. On their return to Charleston Dr. Barron was sent for and found the collar bone broken. She grew up as straight as an arrow. The young p'ople turned up their noses at eels. His rule was to learn to eat everything, so he ordered them 
cooked and served. The cook did not know they were to be cut in pieces before cooking. When the gruesome dish came on table it was ordered off at once and for all.){l) 
A merchantile failure brought the family from England to Charleston. It must have been after the Revolution, from little incidents I have heard related, - sympathy for Andre's family- distain for Arnold's. The family consisted of Samuel Brailsford, his wife Susan, and three children, Susan, Elizabeth, and William my grandfather. 
Susan was killed in a carriage accident in New York. Elizabeth never married; was a devotee to religion and feminine friendships, living to eighty years, and leaving my mother her sole heiress, in 1838 or 1839. (Her very old English Bible, in longs's and calf skin binding, filled with devotional thoughts, particularly the book of Psalms, written on the margin in a beautiful English hand, was lost during the war in a warehouse at the Satilla crossing. I tried to recover it, but was unsuccessful.) (2) 
I do not know the date of my grandfather William Brailsford's marriage to my grandmother Maria Heyward; (she was born in 1772, and died in 1827.)(3) The Brailsford's came over from England after the Revolution. 
The first Heyward who settled in South Carolina was Thomas Heyward. To Daniel Heyward, his son, the Crown of England granted a noble estate on the Combahee river, still cultivated by his descendants. 
 
 Daniel Heyward's two sons by his first wife were Thomas, signer of the Declaration of Independence, and William. 
The children by his second wife, Miss Giguillait (Huguenot), were Nathaniel, James, and Maria my grandmOther. This . lady, Miss Gignillait, must have been most amiable and liberal, for at her death she left her young daughter, Maria, to the care of her step-son William, though she had her two own brothers, - to which trust he and his son William were as true as steel, under trying circumstances. To this day my grandmother is spoken of, in that branch of Heywards, as the only sister of her brothers, Nathaniel and James. As far as I know, her inheritance was equal to theirs. 
There was a third marriage, but the two children born died young, and their property reverted to my grandmother and her brothers. 
Thomas Heyward, the elder half-brother, was educated in England; had just entered as barrister when the Revolution started. He rushed home, threw himself into the strife, was in the first Congress and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
William Heyward had two beautiful daughters, Hannah (Mrs. Trappair), and Maria (Mrs. Drayton of Philadelphia), and one son, William, one of whose daughters was Mrs. Cutting of New York. 
My grandmother's brother James married an English woman, and died without children. Between his widow and his brother Nathaniel, was a compromise, honorably carried out, what she, Mrs. Heyward, should keep her husband's property intact until her death, when it would all go to Mr. Nathaniel Heyward, who had been his brother's banker to the half of his fortune. This was the decision of the courts. Both lived to over eighty years. Mrs. Heyward married the second time, - Mr. Charles Baring. She died first, in 1848, her Heyward estate passing over to Mr. Nathaniel Heyward. 
This gentleman soon became the head of his family, in many ways besides his great wealth. He owned near 3,000 colored people, with land to utilize them. His settlements to his children were princely. Three grandsons who were orphans were brought up as sons in his house~ He was a matchmaker, -his sons married Barnwells, Blakes, and Shubricks; his daughters, Manigaults. The Heywards are very numerous; many are still rice planters; but their wealth is of the past. Plantation management was one of their characteristics, which my grandmother had, and, later, my sister Matilda Troup (your Aunt "Maude") showed in such a wonderful way. 
Your father comes under a new regime. I do not know the year of my grandmother's marriage to my grandfather, but I know the youngest child was born in 1800. The Brailsfords were highly educated, spirited and gay, spending money lavishly, - a great contrast to the Heywards. 
Eight children were born to them: - Samuel, killed in a duel in Charleston; Elizabeth, married an.d died, and had no children; William, U.S. Navy, died at Broadfield; Daniel Heyward, murdered on the stage road twelve ridles from Darien; Camilla, married to James Troup 1814, died at Baisden's Bluff September 9, 1847; Eugenia, married and died in 1838 and left no children, and who married John Bell and owned New Hope plantation. 
Daniel Heyward Brailsford married Miss Jane Spalding. He left two children, one of whoni was our charming cousin, Sarah Brailsford, who married Richard Lewis Morris in 1844 or 1845, and died leaving no children, in Darien December 24, 1850. 
Williammarried Julia Wardell of New York, 1848. She died, leaving no children in 1858. William died in Bryan county, 1886. 
 
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To go back to Carolina. - In 1800 much was said of the large bodies of land lying on the Altamaha River. Butler's Island and Hopeton were settled places, also Broughton Island. Mr. Pinckney had visited the Spaldings at Sapelo Island, on his return giving a glowing description of his visit. Mrs. Spalding, he said, "was a woman who could grace a throne, or make a dairy sweet." She was a wonderfully beautiful woman, with true eloquence and lovely manners . . Mr. Spalding was a man of wealth and learning, with a valuable library, and building Italian palaces to live in. He was a great cotton planter and the chief of the Mcintosh clan, giving freely to those requiring it with an unbounded hospitality. 
Gen. Henry Laurens received grants of land on Broughton Island and Hofwyl, then known as New Hope. My grandfather Brailsford bought Broughton Island from Gen. Laurens' hei.r12 ...th_e R,a,msays of Charleston. There was another heir also, as you will see. All the negroes ~ho were.of the Heyward estate were moved out in 1802 or 1803, my grandfather coming out with them and settling them. He was courteously received by the surrounding residents and must have found congenial friends on St. Simon Island, where he was kindly entertained. There must have been storms to warn the people, for a barn had been built as a storm house, and Broughton was exposed to the sea on the farthest point back. Between the barn yard and the settlement flowed a broad, deep canai, with a_board-and""'raii crossing. The order to the overseer was, to move the people in flats across the canal to the barn at the first approach of a storm. 
My grandfather returned to Charleston for the summer. All went well until September, when a hurricane swept that part of the coast. Some say the overseer was drunk; certainly when the move was ordered it was too late! One flat load of over 70 men, women and children, was started- theywere never seen again, and only heard of by their shrieks through the dismal howling of the wind. The remainder survived. How this appalling news was carried to Charleston I do not know; it may have been by an express messenger by land. Fifty years after, my sister and I were dining at Miss Lynch Bowman's on Sullivan Island and were asked if the following anecdote of my grandfather was true? - viz.: "The news of the disaster reached my grandfather on the eve of a dinner party. He received and entertained his guests, and no one at the table knew of the tragedy until the next day." I do not think the family were included in this withholding, - it may have been a gentlemen's dinner. 
I remembered the circumstance, my sister did not; but the direst distress prevailed in the home. The Charleston life was at an end, and the family, except the eldest son Samuel, moved to Broughton Island as soon as a rough house, put up by plantation carpenters, could be built. My grandfather, with his eldest daughter Elizabeth, went ahead of the family and were entertained by Major Butler on St. Simon until it was safe to stay at Broughton. The advent of the Brailsford family - young, with high spirits - was the first event that lifted their people out of their despondency, my mother often said. The effects of the storm swelled the loss of life to 100. No one knew better than they did how to keep up the spirit and loyalty of their people, and to take care of them. To my mother Broughton Island always stood for Golgotha. Of course, with no crops, there were no possible payments. The largest creditor was indignant; he retracted the sale; my grandfather accepted instantly, and held him to it. The other heirs were wiser and held on, - Miss Eleanor Ramsay for one, I know, receiving interest on $9,000 for fifty years, when the debt was paid by my father's executors. 
Opposite Broughton lay Broadfield, wooded from one end to the other, and unowned but by the State, - called "Broadface" on surveyors' maps. How 
 
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possession was given and taken I do not know, you can look it up in State records. But the first tree felled was by the Brailsfords, and the first bank from the "hollow-over" was a succession of cut trees, on which the Brailsford's walked to and fro while the clearing of land and the building of houses went on. They were a gay-spirited set and took up the gauntlet quickly, without throwing it down. They had broad faces, and insisted on. changing the 'name from "Broadface" to "Broadfield." This is how Broadfield came into my family. My grandmother has walked some of the banks or the foundations that your father walks on today, - the fourth generation and all have loved it. 
I do not know what time they moved over, but Elizabeth Brailsford, my aunt, was. married at Broughton to Major Wood, a Virginia gentleman and rice planter. He owned Potosi Island. She lived only a year and died in Mcintosh county, leaving no children. At the same time, in Charleston, my uncle, Samuel Brailsford, was killed in a duel with John Parker. They were attentive to the same lady. My uncle was engaged to her, and she was his cousin, Anne Glover. Your father's grandmother Dent, who knew the Parkers, said his life had been made gloomy and misanthropic by the tragedy. He married another lady. All those events and dates are in the Brailsford Bible, which Aunt Mary Troup has, rebound by Aunt Maude. 
As a rule great misfortunes follow great moves, ~ acclimating is full of vicissitudes. Until a house was built on the north point of Cumberland Island the family summered in Charleston or . in Mcintosh county. Haw did they go to Charleston? In an eight-oared row boat, with a small cabin. During one of these absences my grandfather Brailsford died on St. Simon and was buried at Cannon's Point. He left my mother, a girl of 12 or 14, to his friend Mr. Bailly, a Scotch gentleman and widower and, I think, a university man, celebrated for his wit and sarcasm. He spent his winters at Hofwyl, then a part of New Hope. 
In my grandmother's service was a man-servant named Frederick. He was not a house servant, his work was outside. He was honest and truthful, a good waterman, with devoted allegiance. After the death of my grandfather he was the captain of every boat journey that was ever made, and always in attendance on my grandmother, whose sons were absent, one at Cambridge, the other in _the United States Navy. Frederick's judgment on wind and tide was unerring. On one of the trips to Cumberland my grandmother found the keys had been left at Broadfield. Frederick said he would go for them in his paddling canoe and be back the second morning from the day he started, crossing and recrossing St. Andrew sound two hours before day, which he did. As I remember him, he was our fisherman at Baisden's Bluff, with a big boy to wait on him, and we always had on our table the best the river could give. His winters were spent at Broadfield. When my grandmother died in 1837 he came over to Darien (our home) to take his last look of his mistress; he kissed her feet, while the tears ran down his cheeks. He died a short time before my mother, in 1847. 
My grandmother, left a widow with an estate heavily in debt, found a priceless friend in .her half-brother, William Heyward, and, after his death, his son William. With the latter she had a most tender meeting in New York in . 1836, also with many of her near relatives, at the American Hotel, the one of its day. She died six months after, - I think, 63 years old, which would make her birth year 1772. 
During the brave struggle to pay her debts and save her property the winters were spent at Broadfield and the summers at Cumberland, twelve miles from Dungeness, the home of Mrs. Shaw, GeneralNathaniel Greene's daughter. 
 
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Only formal visits were exchanged. I presume my mother was too young, and my grandmother too grave for anything more. 
In 1877 on a visit to Cumberland I asked our host if anyone remembered the Brailsford Place? He said he knew it, and his mother, still living, knew the family. She came over to see us, dressed in white, an old lady. She knew them all by name and had kept up with their marriages and deaths, but the number of servants seemed to have held her. 
My grandmother's butler, named "Jeems" (South Carolina), was celebrated, one trick was for the way he could open and throw a long tablecloth from one end of a dinner table to the other without a fold. Nothing put into his care was ever known to be lost. I never knew him, but two .of her women-servants I remember; one, a small brown woman who nursed all the babies born in our house for a month. She had the care of the old Broadfield House (not the work), which was occupied off and on by my father and uncles, our headquarters being Darien. She was called "My Little Aunt" by our servants; but the big brown woman, who ruled our yard with a rod, was called "My Big Aunt. " We children, and everyone else I knew, except my father and mother, called her "Mom Betty." She carried the keys when my mother was confined to her room, and in the spring made us sassafras beer, as in Charleston. She was the most scornful woman, black or white, I ever knew. She took care of the Darien house in the summer. She lived to a great age and died at Broadfield during the war. 
Except in Charleston, my mother never went to school; her education was carried on by Mr. Baillie, before alluded to. His home at Hofwyl was only a ten minutes' walk to Broadfield. He was her constant friend and adviser. My mother's peculiar case and leadership in gentleman's society was, I think, intensified by his training. Her brothers nursed the gayety which was inherent. Mr. Baillie wasa widower, -society said he would end in a lover. But it was not so; he introduced my father to my mother, my father having settled in Darien from Savannah as a physician. Mr. Baillie did everything to further the match. He was an honored guest in their home, and was loved and esteemed by both to the end of his life in 1836. 
On the high ground of Broadfield cotton was planted. It brought a high price, and later on, during the embargo of 1812, both rice and cotton commanded high prices. The risks of shipping, of course, were great. 
During all these years, my mother, Camilla Brailsford, by the winsomeness of her ways, her high courage and fine judgment, was more than a right hand to her mother. She conquered and rooted out evils, made right triumphant, and by her judicious devotion to their black people gave them a loyalty and contentedness to be proud of. Her undeviating love and reverence for her mother made a tie so strong it could never be broken. 
When my grandmother divided her property she only took, by Georgia law, a child's portion, and lived with my mother, who taught us all to call my grandmother "Mother," telling us she was our best friend. She was "Missis," my mother was always called by the servants "Miss Jane;" "Camilla" was too fine for them, except her own immediate servants. After my grandmother's death, she was "Missis." 
One little episode in my mother's girl life was the taking a child. In the newness of their experience a young overseer and his family died of fever, leaving one little tot, called "Jane," they thinking Jane was her name. She took the child and kept her until she had children of her own, when some of the child's relatives in Virginia wrote for her, and after investigation she was sent to them. 
While a girl, her mother gave her a light colored boy named Jack, to be her page. He brought her notes on a silver waiter and her pocket handker- 
 
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chief when she dropped it. He grew into a most accomplished butler and manservant, - from the cutting out of a fish hook to making a mustard plaster; his table service left nothing to wish for. He was a sportsman at heart, having dogs and gun, loved fishing, and after the death of my father and mother Jack left us to h~s son James whom he had trained, and had his liberty . 
The War of 1812 coming on, Cumberland was thought by my grandmother too gay for her daughter - from our own soldiers - and too exposed to Admiral (Cochran's) fleet. Major Wood put at her disposal his summer home on "The Ridge" near Darien. There my mother was married to my father, Dr. James Troup, 1813, by Dr. McWhir, an Irish Presbyterian clergyman, who had been a tutor in General Washington's family a short time. He was a man of firey temper, the terror of school children and examinations. He claimed the hospitality of all the couples he married. One shy young bride started for a seat before the irrevocable words were spoken. The "Rev. Father," as he was called, followed, took her by the arm and put her in place, saying: ''Young woman, you are not married yet." 
(One of the anecdotes told of him was after his marriage to a very nice lady with some means. They had some girls boarding with them to go to school. In a candy boiling one of the girls burned her hand, and screamed out: "It is hotter than hell." The Rev. Father hearing it, ordered her to her room, to stay until she could bound the place she knew so well. She was clever, and, being familiar with surroundings, located Mrs. McWhir's plantation as hell, and her neighbors on the north, south, east and west.)(4) 
My mother's marriage must have been in 1813 or 1814. The coast was attacked by English fleets, the outlying islands all visited, and the negroes carried off when it suited them. Darien was under arms; my father was Surgeon. My mother and grandmother were sent to a friend's house (General McCall, I think) in the interior of the state, sorely against my mother's will. All the Broadfield negroes were sent up to my uncle Robert Troup's plantation in Montgomery county. Broadfield was visited, the house broken into and robbed, a lively young fellow going off with them. The second visit "Will" came back, in gay uniform. His old fellow-servants tried to shame him, but Will was not to be downed and returned with his new friends to their boats. Mr. Thomas Spalding of Sapelo, with his large family and great possessions in land and negroes, never left the island, the British fleet being in the sound. They were never molested. 
In an illness in Mr. Spalding's family my father was sent for in a row boat to Darien. He was overhauled and taken on one of the fleet. While on deck he recognized a small vessel from Broadfield, with rice, trying to run the blockade to Florida. He waived them back with his handkerchief; it was not noticed, neither was he detained. Major Wood, a friend, who was with him for his own pleasure, pled with my father to call him "Mr. Wood" for his safety. For a little while he remembered, but soon the "Major" was spoken, and instantly withdrawn, not before the officers were on the alert, thinking they had a prize. The doctor could go, but Mr. Wood could not. After some expostulation both were allowed to proceed. 
Now I will introduce my father, - and .if I can not write as much of his side of the house as of my mother's side it is not my fault. 
The Troups, to whom I belong, were too reserved and silent to give traditions. Their sisters died in childhood. They had lived in many places, shown by the birth places of the children. 
My grandfather, George Troup, came out from England as bookkeeper to 
Mackay & Spalding on St. Simon Island. The firm had large trading posts in 
Georgia and Alabama, and as he was sent from one to the other it is easy to 
 
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see how he was thrown with Catherine Mcintosh, whom he married in London, England. I will give you, on another page, their record. My mother tried to glean items from their relatives in Mcintosh county and from their friends in Savannah, where they last lived. 
The Troups as well as the Mcintoshes were Stuart adherents, and losing all in the wars and risings the Troups went into the mercantile life in London. Many of the Mcintoshes came to Georgia, with money and servants, - quite a clan. 
My grandfather Troup's family lived for some years at Belleville, a lovely point of land on the water across from Sutherland's Bluff. There their boys had their guns, dogs and horses, and were always sportsmen. My grandfather Troup died on March 26, in Liberty county, Georgia. 
After my grandfather Troup's death, my grandmother moved to Savannah. She was a fine woman. Her manners were her great attraction. In receiving and entertaining it was said each guest, from the eldest to the youngest, thought he or she had received most attention. When her three sons were old enough she sent them to a school of note at Flushing, Long Island. 
From there my uncle, George M. Troup, went to Princeton, New Jersey, and led a party for Thomas Jefferson. 
Uncle Robert went to New York to study merchantile life, which he never followed, becoming a prosperous cotton planter in Montgomery county. 
My father went to Philadelphia to study medicine under Dr. Rush. The three brothers were a model of devotion to each other and to their mother. Uncle George never married until his mother died. He nursed her tenderly through her last illness. He also had the care of his brothers and their embarrassed estate, paying the debts and dividing the inheritance. My grandmother died in Savannah and was put in her cousin's vault, General Lachlan Mcintosh. The vault was repaired after 1865 by Mr. Charles Spalding and Mr. Bayard. After a succession of storms, when the old cemetery was changed into Colonial Park, all that was left in the vault (little or nothing, I believe) was interred. A great grandson of General Mcintosh, from Chicago, put up a granite monument to General Lachlan Mcintosh and a low, handsome iron railing round the enclosure. On my father's graduating at Philadelphia and returning to Savannah, his friend Dr. James Ewell (a man remarkable for his skill and charming manners) asked Col. Troup as he was then called, and it some authority to give my father a position in the Savannah hospital, which they were then preparing for war in 1812. But the Colonel said "he did not hold office to enrich his family." So my father was advised to go to Darien, then a promising town and one of two of the largest cotton ports in Georgia (St. Mary was the other), a fine trade with the West Indies, and the country in large rice and cotton plantations. His relatives the "Mallow" Mcintoshes were there, and Mr. Thomas Spalding a cousin; but the friendship quite eclipsed the cousinship, lasting through generations and cemented by marriage. Sarah Morris, nee Brailsford, our cousin, was a charming emanation of Spalding and Brailsford. Capt. Charles Wylly is of the third generation, and your father of the fourth. In Darien my father, James Troup, met his fate and fortune (a very good one) in my mother, Camilla Brailsford. She was "comme il faut" in appearance and manners, high courage and spirit, with all the Brailsford gayety, cheerfulness and sense of humor-, fine administrative ability, a beautiful housekeeper from the garret to the cellar and provider, and all for the comfort of her family. My aunt Mrs. Daniel H. Brailsford has told me that when her husband came from college, before he married her and lived at my mother's, the home evenings, owing to the presence of those two genial 
 
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spirits, were simply delightful, my grandfather and grandmother enjoying it quietly. 
Their first home, at Cathead, Darien, was very simple. My father was an excellent physician, with all the practice he could attend to, that of the Spalding family alone furnishing a small income. My mother called those her "monied days." (My father was too reserved and silent for the adandonment of love of children, but we all grew up with high appreciation of what he was - To be left a fair name and a goodly heritage/Are good things. -) (5) 
In 1824 my father began building his beautiful tabby house, with the same architect, Jay, who had put up the old Habersham and Owens houses in Savannah. I was the first child born in this house. 
As soon as Uncle George paid the debts of the Troup estate he divided with his two brothers. My father, not wishing to put his negroes on rice fields, bought a fine tract of land known as the "Court House" on the old stage road, planted cotton and corn, and kept cattle. The marsh lands bordering on Sapelo creek, the lowlands and canebrakes, kept cows and sheep in very fine order. The dairy was large enough to oversupply a large family in summer and feed all the negro children with clabber and buttermilk. The quality of the butter was not equal to our neighbors', but found ready purchasers in Darien by "Mom Betty." The increase of negroes under these circumstances was almost phenomenal. In my memory 100 bales of cotton were shipped yearly. An overseer was in charge. In winter my father spent every Saturday there, but in summer it was his (custom to take a) daily ride on horseback, except on Monday and Tuesday, when he visited Broadfield. His summer home was always at Baisden's Bluff, - on a river widening as it took its course to Sapelo sound. His first house was on a bluff 20 feet high, with the channel on the bluff side, very dangerous to children. But the old "tabby" academy building which was converted into a dwelling in 1838 was on a lower bl~ff, with a natural terrace and a roadway on which a cart could drive up and down, with the marsh grass salt that the horses loved and ate; with the channel on the other side, giving every facility for crabbing and bathing, sailing and boating, and catching every breeze that blew. This was our summer home until 1856, seven years after my father's death. 
There were two remarkable springs, - one, the "Dripping Spring," down a natural grotto, where the water dripped from a rocky formation 12 or 15 feet above in a not large opening. It was not deep, but clear and cool, and no pole ever tried reached the depth of it. It ran into the river, but only real storms ever brought the salt water up to make it brackish. The grotto was so dark no young servant would ever go alone after dark for water. This was on our let. 
The "Sulphur Spring" was a short walk above or below the bluff, where every high tide in the 24 hours covered it, but two minutes after the tide left it it was fresh, cold and clear as crystal, with a strong taste of sulphur, and very light. It did not mix well with liquors, but made beautiful bread. The Dunwodys lived here for years, the ages of the children tallying with ours. But on her father building her a spacious house at Brighton, Mrs. Dunwody moved there and we lost our neighbor. In my time this Sulphur Spring had only a dug-out cypress log, with a leather hung at the spout. With a change of name from Baisden's Bluff to "Crescent," it may have. been given more adorning. 
The Dripping Spring was hurt while we lived there from a great excess of rain finding its vent above the spring. On the opposite side was an ex~ cavation 400 or 500 yards long and 20 feet deep, made by a planter closing a ditch and not mentioning it. 
 
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My father had been left executor to his aunt Mrs. Mcintosh's estate at Mallow. One of his cousins, Anne Mcintosh, had never married; her lands were near his, and always under his immediate care. I doubt if she knew anything but what the factors' .accounts told her, and occasional short visits. She spent her winters at the south with her relatives, and her summers at the north where she had very nice friends. 
She had a wonderfully nice, light colored maid called Fanny, who went back and forth with her in the most faithful manner. She left her free with my father as guardian at her death, and Fanny established herself in Savannah. 
She, Anne Mcintosh, still made my father executor to her will, and her negroes were to choose their master. An old African among them, named Ned, advised them to remain where they were, - "it was better to belong to a rich man, who never followed you up too close." But they all had to go to the courthouse in Darien to say who they chose. Of course these people were bought; one man, a carpenter, followed his wife. 
On the other side of the Altamaha, in Glynn county, very much the same circumstances threw the Brailsford estate into my father's hands, including New Hope. My mother's wishes, his own pride and the clamor of the negroes, that they should not be separated (they were all of Mr. Daniel Heyward's estate, my grandmother's father), brought about this. Poor old Rachael, when she would say "I'rn an estate-woman or servant," it meant to her a patent of nobility. 
My uncle Daniel Heyward Brailsford left his portion of Broadfield property involved. His widow, my aunt Mrs. Brailsford, preferred keeping her cotton plantation, Sutherland 1 s Bluff, where her home was, intact, and letting the Broadfield property be sold, in 1834. My father had no alternative but to buy. 
In 1837 the Brunswick Canal was begun, when Brunswick had its first boom, - very much a Boston speculation. My father hired his people for three years, at $10,000 a year, with the restriction of his own overseer and his own visits when required. Broadfield became pasture and the cattle rolling fat; there were many fine marsh tackys amongst them with good blood. My father said this saved him, for the three canal years were not good rice years, and this money reduced his debts. 
Mrs. Bell (Eugenia Brailsford, my mother's sister) and her husband dying without heirs, and Mr. Bell leaving it to his family, New Hope and its people were thrown on the market. Biddle's Bank, in Philadelphia, had failed, and the country was passing through a monied crisis, rice selling as low as 40 cents (a bushel). This purchase was put off as long as possible, but eventually New Hope was bought at $26,000. Later, the negroes were ordered to Brunswick 
to be sold. Then came great lamentation all round. My father went with them, 
and, finding they were to be picked and chosen, he bought them. The return trip made the woods ring with: "We 1 ve won the day!" - "We are going home! " This was in the early 40's. 
Failures were on every side. Nothing but my father's high integrity, singleness and simplicity of purpose, with the strictest economy at home (for the crops were not large), enabled him to pull through. But at his death, in 1849' the debts were close on to $80,000' and the estate was thought again insolvent, as in my grandmother's time. 
Before I go further I will give the record of my father and mother's family, as well as I can remember. Their family Bible Minnie Nightingale has through her father, but there was no record in it, - the one in it I wrote, before giving it to her. Of the dates I am very uncertain, but not of the names of my brothers and sisters. 
Our winter home was Darien, until in the '40's, when, from the discomfort of a flat roof that would leak, the downfall of Darien as a great 
 
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cotton port, and for the great advantage to the plantation, we moved over, living first at ~ew Hope, in a small house requiring a bachelor's hall for my brother Brailsford and his friends situated near the dairy, where an old chimney stood. 
Our home life was thought a very happy one. We were all united in the worship of our mother, with whom the sun rose and, in her dying, set. I often wished your father could have known her, - he would have loved her dearly, as he did his grandmother Dent. They were both far above the average, with a generous love and high ideals. 
Our first cousins, Florida and Oralie Troup, Sarah and William Brailsford, were our constant companions. Our Troup cousins lived with us for years. Cousin Florida was married at my father's house in Darien in 1835 to Thomas Bryan, afterward Forman, his grandfather's name. Their descendants are the Robert Waylores and Holmer Conrads of Virginia. 
Our aunt, Mrs. Brailsford's home, and servants, were like our own to us. For years our winters were spent a hundred yards from each other; our summers, in exchange of visits. We had our share of beauty, too. Cousin Oralie was like a queen in hers, and her manners were graceful and elegant. Sarah Brailsford, as I wrote before, was charming in all ways, with great vivacity and spirit. My sister Hannah was lovely and refined in person and manners; she could never have roughed it, yet was ready for any sacrifice for the good of those she loved or for children,- so . cheerfully and gently, you would never know the truth until after reflection. 
My sister Matilda Brailsford Troup, your "Aunt Maude," became the head of the house at our mother's death, and if she ever failed or fell short in her great responsibilities we never knew it, - few were not satisfied with the content and pleasures of her house. She had the wholesome tongue, which is a tree of life. After the ruin of the Civil War she came still more to the front, saving from the wreck what she thought m9st valuable, ever ministering to the needs of those whom God gave her. She educated Uncle Sidney, who I think loved the ground she trod on. During his four years in Winchester, Virginia, Georgia Conrad took her place, making him think Virginia was as much his home as Georgia. They were his blissful days, -both women were in his heart. 
Aunt Clelia, always called "Nina" by her nephews and nieces, was of high spirit and courage, with presence of mind, gay, joyous, happy and independent, giving and receiving, loving youth and children. Her real life, to which she was born and for which she was reared, ended with the war. She gave you many blissful days in your early childhood at Broadfield, which you cannot remember. Her one child, Frank Key, is in the United States Army in the_Phillipines. 
Your father's grandmother, Elizabeth Anne Dent, widow of Captain John Herbert Dent, U.S. Navy, and daughter of Jonas Horry (Huguenot), sold her plantation, called "Fenwick," in South Carolina, and moved to Georgia in 1844, having bought the Cedar Hill plantation on the Altamaha river near Darien. The first Horry mentioned was stabbed to death in the massacre of St. Bartholomew, his son escaping to America. Elizabeth Anne Horry was most carefully educated by French abbes driven to Charleston by the French Revolution. She was highly accomplished, with charming manners and appearance. Her father thought she should be the wife of an ambassador, but she fell in love with a naval officer. In "Memoirs of Washington Irving" by his nephew, in one of his letters you will see his meeting with Mrs. Dent, introduced l;>y Captain Dent, in whose United States vessel he had come from the Mediterranean. Your great grandfather Captain Dent distinguished himself in the Tripoli War and was 
 
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presented with a sword by Congress, which sword he lent the great tragedian of the day, cooper, to play Othello; sailor-fashion, he did not recall it until too iate, - in the various vicissitudes of an actor's life it was lost. 
Your grandfather, George Columbus Dent, and I were married in the old Broadfield house on the 22nd of November 1847 by the Rev. T. Longfellow Smith. 
The first eight years of our married life were passed at Cedar Hill, near Darien, (the winters, I mean), with your father'~ grandmother Dent, whose plantation your grandfather managed. At her death, in 1856, the division of her estate and the Troup estate occuring the same year, we moved over to Broadfield and Hofwyl was settled, your grandfather calling it after the then great Hofwyl school in Switzerland - (Professor Fredenberg) - where he had been educated. From all I hear, it does not stand as it di:d. 
The house at Hofwyl was not finished when our Civil War broke out and we left, for four years living in Ware county near Waycross, a miserable wiregrass country. Before we returned the extinguishing cap of defeat was on our heads, our pleasant things were all gone, and strangers in our homes. Large tracts of valuable lands passed away for taxes, it was not surprising that in many instances two generations passed away in this w~eck and ruin. 
I must close now. Your father can answer your questions; if not, Captain Wylly may. You can rearrange these crude pages to suit yourself the notes you can use of as you think best - it is only an old woman's recollections, at the request of her grandson. To you and yours and to all who have gone before you - Pax vobiseum - 
Parsonage - June 23, 1904 
(6) My sister Clelia had all the instincts of a sportsman, following my father with his dog and gun, keen at crabbing and fishing, going about with bare model feet and ankles, cat.ching, out of the deep holes of mud and water left by the receding tide, many soft-shell crabs, which we did not know until later were the same delicacy as the Maryland soft-shell crab. She ran a fish-hook into her hand while fishing, and came home holding her hand. There was great distress in the house, for my father was away and a doctor twelve miles off. But Jack, the above mentioned butler, assured our mother, who was in tears, that he could cut it out with his sharpened razor -which he did. 
Jack had a fine cur named Sharper. In some way he bit severely my dear little sister Hannah. Jack, who brought her into the house, said: "Master, shall I kill the dog?" "Certainlynot," answered 11y father, "the dog is not mad; he was prot:ecting what he thought was yours." But my little sister was on her back several days. 
All these little episodes were at Baisden's Bluff, a paradise for 
children. As children, Nina and I, with Cousin Oralie Troup, went down the 
bluff and finding a large rice flat, tied at one end to the landing, the other end in deep water, and a high spring tide, we three stepped aboard. Nina must have thrown a line, and fell over on the outside end. The third time she rose Cousin Oralie was able to stretch out her hand, catch and draw her in. It was a narrow escape. Nina said her one fear was, being sucked under the flat, and she tried to keep off. 
She had been a beautiful child. She was always handsome, but not what her childhood promised. But in later life, with her marvellous suit of white hair, a great deal of it returned. Her hair had been black, fine, soft and curly; no scissors had ever been put into it. Her role was social 
 
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life, but her religious life ran through it, widening to the end. Her sympathies were immediate, and also she was a generous help in word or deed. 
Our brotners Brailsford and Robert were devoted sons and brothers. They were brave, honorable men, good physicians, planters and masters. Their work ended with the war. My brother Brailsford was left executor with Mr. James Hamilton Couper of my fathers estate at the age of 23 years, one year after his graduation, to an almost insolvent property. In five or six years the debts were paid; the heirs lived generously and got whatever they asked for, even a European trip (not such a common thing as it is now), and we were all united. 
My brother Robert served with honor through the war as Captain always an aid(e) - in Virginia and Georgia, also South Carolina. His war record and your grandfather Dent's, are in the Abbey at Richmond. Your father can give you the best account. 
If you wish to have a general idea of your grandfather Dent, read the seventh chapter of "The End of an Era" - John Wise - "My Brother." You must take poetical license, and the knowledge that many facts, traits and circumstances were just the contrary; but the general impression of sensation, gayety, charm, accomplishments, grace and beauty and attractiveness, are well described. 
The original manuscript of this document is located at Hofwyl Plantation. Punctuation and insertion of later notes by Mrs. Dent (marked by numbers) and occasional words or letters for clarification were done by a later transcriber or transcribers, and have been retained.